m →Central figures and issues: Minor fixes. |
|||
Line 37: | Line 37: | ||
== Central figures and issues == |
== Central figures and issues == |
||
Key proponents of the anti-gender movement include Dale O'Leary, [[Michel Schooyans]], [[Tony Anatrella]], [[Gabriele Kuby]], and {{ill|Marguerite Peeters|WD=Q61917146}}.{{sfn|Kuhar |Paternotte|2017|p=10}}{{sfn|Kováts|2016|p=179}} According to Łukasz Wawrowski, it is not possible to have a scientific discourse between [[gender studies]] scholars and anti-gender proponents, because for the former, gender is a scientific concept that can be researched and [[Falsifiability|falsified]], whereas anti-gender proponents derive their arguments from transcendent truths handed down by God, which are not subject to empirical verification.{{sfn|Wawrowski|2017|p=16}} <!-- zieje się tak, gdyż z jednej strony naukowa koncepcja płci kulturowej (właśnie z racji jej naukowości) podlega empirycznej weryfikacji: może być potwierdzona, jak dowodzą tego jej zwolennicy, może też podlegać próbie falsyfikacji, co jest przedmiotem działań jej przeciwników. Z drugiej jednak strony owi przeciwnicy ideologii gender robią to w sposób, który stawia pod znakiem zapytania traktowanie tego w kategoriach sporu naukowego, gdyż ich argumentacja opiera się nie na faktach i prawach naukowych, a na apriorycznie przyjmowanych, transcendentnych prawdach wiary wywodzonych od Boga, które w związku z tym nie podlegają empirycznej weryfikacji. --> |
Key proponents of the anti-gender movement include Dale O'Leary, [[Michel Schooyans]], [[Tony Anatrella]], [[Gabriele Kuby]], and {{ill|Marguerite Peeters|WD=Q61917146}}.{{sfn|Kuhar |Paternotte|2017|p=10}}{{sfn|Kováts|2016|p=179}} According to Łukasz Wawrowski, it is not possible to have a scientific discourse between [[gender studies]] scholars and anti-gender proponents, because for the former, gender is a scientific concept that can be researched and [[Falsifiability|falsified]], whereas anti-gender proponents derive their arguments from transcendent truths handed down by [[God]], which are not subject to empirical verification.{{sfn|Wawrowski|2017|p=16}} <!-- zieje się tak, gdyż z jednej strony naukowa koncepcja płci kulturowej (właśnie z racji jej naukowości) podlega empirycznej weryfikacji: może być potwierdzona, jak dowodzą tego jej zwolennicy, może też podlegać próbie falsyfikacji, co jest przedmiotem działań jej przeciwników. Z drugiej jednak strony owi przeciwnicy ideologii gender robią to w sposób, który stawia pod znakiem zapytania traktowanie tego w kategoriach sporu naukowego, gdyż ich argumentacja opiera się nie na faktach i prawach naukowych, a na apriorycznie przyjmowanych, transcendentnych prawdach wiary wywodzonych od Boga, które w związku z tym nie podlegają empirycznej weryfikacji. --> |
||
In the [[European Parliament]], the strong election results of national parties such as the Italian [[Lega Nord]], the British [[Brexit Party]] (having left parliament on 31 January 2020), the Polish [[Law and Justice (Poland)|Law and Justice]], the Hungarian [[Fidesz]], and the French [[Rassemblement National]] contributed to a surge of the anti-gender movement. Most of these MEPs belong to the right-wing populist and nationalist [[Identity and Democracy]] (ID) or the [[European Conservatives and Reformists|European Conservatives and Reformers]] (ECR) parliamentary groups. However, there are also members of the European Parliament representing these views within the [[European People’s Party]] (EPP) and the [[Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats]] (S&D) groups.<ref name=":12"/> |
In the [[European Parliament]], the strong election results of national parties such as the Italian [[Lega Nord]], the British [[Brexit Party]] (having left parliament on 31 January 2020), the Polish [[Law and Justice (Poland)|Law and Justice]], the Hungarian [[Fidesz]], and the French [[Rassemblement National]] contributed to a surge of the anti-gender movement. Most of these MEPs belong to the right-wing populist and nationalist [[Identity and Democracy]] (ID) or the [[European Conservatives and Reformists|European Conservatives and Reformers]] (ECR) parliamentary groups. However, there are also members of the European Parliament representing these views within the [[European People’s Party]] (EPP) and the [[Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats]] (S&D) groups.<ref name=":12"/> |
||
Line 48: | Line 48: | ||
Some in the anti-gender movement consider "gender ideology" to be a [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian ideology]].{{sfn|Marchlewska ''et al.''|2019|p=766}}{{sfn|Kuhar |Paternotte|2017|pp=2, 6}}{{sfn|Corredor|2019|pp=628–629}} This is allegedly pushed by a secret cabal{{sfn|Marchlewska ''et al.''|2019|p=766}}<ref name=Conversation/> or foreign entities (such as the [[European Union]], [[World Health Organization]], or [[United Nations]]) for the purpose of weakening, undermining, or destroying families, the Catholic Church, the nation, or [[Western civilization]].{{sfn|Kuhar|Paternotte|2017|p=5}}{{sfn|Kováts|2016|p=176}}{{sfn|Marchlewska ''et al.''|2019|p=767}} |
Some in the anti-gender movement consider "gender ideology" to be a [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian ideology]].{{sfn|Marchlewska ''et al.''|2019|p=766}}{{sfn|Kuhar |Paternotte|2017|pp=2, 6}}{{sfn|Corredor|2019|pp=628–629}} This is allegedly pushed by a secret cabal{{sfn|Marchlewska ''et al.''|2019|p=766}}<ref name=Conversation/> or foreign entities (such as the [[European Union]], [[World Health Organization]], or [[United Nations]]) for the purpose of weakening, undermining, or destroying families, the Catholic Church, the nation, or [[Western civilization]].{{sfn|Kuhar|Paternotte|2017|p=5}}{{sfn|Kováts|2016|p=176}}{{sfn|Marchlewska ''et al.''|2019|p=767}} |
||
=== |
===Violent extremism=== |
||
The [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service]] said in 2024 that the "anti-gender movement" poses a threat of "[[Violent extremism|extreme violence]]" that could target the LGBTQI+ community.<ref name=cbc>{{cite news |title=CSIS warns that the 'anti-gender movement' poses a threat of 'extreme violence' |url=https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/csis-lgbtq-warning-violence-1.7114801 |access-date=1 March 2024 |work=CBC}}</ref> |
The [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service]] said in 2024 that the "anti-gender movement" poses a threat of "[[Violent extremism|extreme violence]]" that could target the LGBTQI+ community.<ref name=cbc>{{cite news |title=CSIS warns that the 'anti-gender movement' poses a threat of 'extreme violence' |url=https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/csis-lgbtq-warning-violence-1.7114801 |access-date=1 March 2024 |work=CBC}}</ref> |
||
Revision as of 09:48, 6 May 2024
![Anti-gender march in Lima, Peru](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/22/Marcha_por_la_Vida_2018_Per%C3%BA_%281%29.jpg/260px-Marcha_por_la_Vida_2018_Per%C3%BA_%281%29.jpg)
Part of a series on |
Transgender topics |
---|
![]() |
The anti-gender movement is an international movement that opposes what it refers to as "gender ideology", "gender theory" or "genderism",[1] terms which cover a variety of issues[1] and do not have a coherent definition.[2] Members of the anti-gender movement primarily include those of the right-wing and far-right political spectrum, such as right-wing populists, social conservatives, and Christian fundamentalists.[3][4] It has been linked to a shift away from liberal democracy and towards right-wing populism.[5] Anti-gender rhetoric has seen increasing circulation in trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) discourse since 2016.[6] Different members of the anti-gender movement variously oppose some LGBT rights, some reproductive rights, government gender policies, gender equality, gender mainstreaming, and gender studies academic departments.[1][7][8] The Canadian Security Intelligence Service has linked the anti-gender movement to the risk of "extreme violence" against the LGBT+ community.[9]
The term gender ideology has been described by academics Stefanie Mayer and Birgit Sauer as an "empty signifier",[2] and by Agnieszka Graff as a "great name for all that conservative Catholics despise".[10] The idea of gender ideology has been described by some as a moral panic,[11][12] or a conspiracy theory, as it alleges that there is a secret cabal out to undermine society.[13][14] A report by the European Parliament linked the rise of the anti-gender movement in Europe to disinformation campaigns that are sponsored in large part by Russia.[15]
The movement derives from Catholic theology and can be dated to the late 20th century, but the protests that brought the movement to attention did not start until around 2012–2013.[16] Besides Roman Catholics, anti-gender rhetoric is used by other Christians, Confucians, Hindus, Jews, and Muslims.[17] Gender researcher Andrea Pető states that the anti-gender movement is not a form of classical anti-feminism but instead "a fundamentally new phenomenon that was launched to establish a new world order".[18]
Terminology
In non-English speaking countries, many anti-gender activists avoid using vernacular translations of the word gender in favor of the English word to promote the idea that gender is a foreign concept.[19] The concept of gender ideology does not have a coherent definition[2] and covers a variety of issues;[1] for this reason, it has been described by academics Stefanie Mayer and Birgit Sauer as an "empty signifier"[2] and by Agnieszka Graff as a catch-all term "for all that conservative Catholics despise".[10]
The term gender ideology and related terms gender theory and genderism, used interchangeably, are not equivalent to the academic discipline of gender studies, within which significant controversies and disagreements exist. Anti-gender proponents are often unaware of these debates and disagreements.[20] Elizabeth Corredor writes: "gender ideology serves as both a political and epistemological counterclaim to emancipatory conceptions of gender, sex, and sexuality".[21] She adds that the anti-gender movement combines "gender ideology" rhetoric with attempts to exploit the existing divisions within LGBT and feminist movements.[21] The movement accuses various actors of being bearers of "gender ideology", including "liberal, green or leftist politicians, women's rights activists, LGBT activists, gender policy officers of public administrations, and gender studies scholars".[22]
Origin theories
There are various theories about when and where the anti-gender movement originated.
International conferences in the mid-1990s
Some scholars studying the anti-gender movement date its origins[23][24] to 1990s discussions within the Catholic Church to counter the results of the United Nations' 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and the 1995 World Conference on Women, following which the UN began to recognize sexual and reproductive rights.[25][26][27] The Holy See feared that this recognition would lead to abortion being seen as a human right, delegitimization of motherhood, and the normalization of homosexuality. The term gender "was understood by the Holy See as a strategic means to attack and destabilize the natural family".[25] In 1997, American anti-abortion journalist Dale O'Leary, who is affiliated to the Opus Dei, wrote a book titled The Gender Agenda: "the Gender Agenda sails into communities not as a tall ship, but as a submarine, determined to reveal as little of itself as possible".[28] In Catholic thought, the concept of gender ideology emerged from John Paul II's theology of the body, in which the sexes are held to be different and complementary.[29][30] Although the ideas of the anti-gender movement were developed by 2003, protests related to the movement first emerged in some European countries around 2012–2013.[16] Although it is still promoted by Catholic actors, the anti-gender movement spread more generally throughout the right-wing by 2019.[21]
1980s Church origin
Alternately, the anti-gender movement has been dated to the early 1980s when Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, the later Pope Benedict XVI, noticed that feminist books arguing that gender was socially constructed were bestsellers in Germany and noticed changes in German law allowing transgender people to legally change their gender. Researcher Mary Anne Case therefore argues that "Trans rights claims were, together with feminist claims, thus a foundational component, not a recent addition, to the Vatican's sphere of concern around 'gender' and to the focusing of that concern on developments in secular law."[23]
Later developments
Trans-exclusionary radical feminism or gender-critical feminism
Bassi and LaFleur note that "the trans-exclusionary feminist (TERF) movement and the so-called anti-gender movement are only rarely distinguished as movements with distinct constitutions and aims."[31] Pearce et al. posits that the concept of "gender ideology" long employed by the anti-gender movement "saw increasing circulation in trans-exclusionary radical feminist discourse" from around 2016.[6] Claire Thurlow noted that "despite efforts to obscure the point, gender critical feminism continues to rely on transphobic tropes, moral panics and essentialist understandings of men and women. These factors also continue to link trans-exclusionary feminism to anti-feminist reactionary politics and other 'anti-gender' movements."[32] Judith Butler said that "the anti-gender ideology movement should be considered a neo-fascist phenomenon" and cautioned those on the left against joining forces with the movement.[33]
Foreign influence
A report commissioned by the European Parliament found that anti-gender activity in Europe was funded to a large degree by Russian and American actors.[15][34]
Central figures and issues
Key proponents of the anti-gender movement include Dale O'Leary, Michel Schooyans, Tony Anatrella, Gabriele Kuby, and Marguerite Peeters .[29][35] According to Łukasz Wawrowski, it is not possible to have a scientific discourse between gender studies scholars and anti-gender proponents, because for the former, gender is a scientific concept that can be researched and falsified, whereas anti-gender proponents derive their arguments from transcendent truths handed down by God, which are not subject to empirical verification.[36]
In the European Parliament, the strong election results of national parties such as the Italian Lega Nord, the British Brexit Party (having left parliament on 31 January 2020), the Polish Law and Justice, the Hungarian Fidesz, and the French Rassemblement National contributed to a surge of the anti-gender movement. Most of these MEPs belong to the right-wing populist and nationalist Identity and Democracy (ID) or the European Conservatives and Reformers (ECR) parliamentary groups. However, there are also members of the European Parliament representing these views within the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) groups.[3]
Members of the anti-gender movement oppose some reproductive rights, particularly abortion, as well as LGBT rights, especially same-sex marriage, along with some campaigns against gender-based violence.[1][8] They may also campaign against anti-bullying programs,[37] sex education in schools, and gender studies in higher education.[1][24] According to Kováts, not all the movements fitting under the "anti-gender" label (by opposing "gender" or "gender ideology") are overtly anti-feminist or anti-LGBT,[22] and the anti-gender movement is a novel phenomenon distinct from previous anti-feminism and homophobia.[38] The anti-gender movement is not synonymous with the far-right, as not all far-right movements espouse anti-gender views, and anti-gender themes extend beyond the far-right.[39]
"Gender ideology"
The anti-gender movement often uses the term "gender ideology". Anti-gender activists may portray the European Union and other international organizations as manipulated by several lobbies, such as American billionaires, Cultural Marxists, Freemasons, feminists, and/or Jews. To promote the idea that gender is a foreign concept imposed by a cabal of corrupt elites, they often use the English word gender, rather than a translation into the local language.[19] Proponents present themselves as the defenders of the freedoms of speech, thought, and conscience against the "gender ideology", which they label as "totalitarian".[40][41]
Some in the anti-gender movement consider "gender ideology" to be a totalitarian ideology.[13][40][41] This is allegedly pushed by a secret cabal[13][42] or foreign entities (such as the European Union, World Health Organization, or United Nations) for the purpose of weakening, undermining, or destroying families, the Catholic Church, the nation, or Western civilization.[43][22][44]
Violent extremism
The Canadian Security Intelligence Service said in 2024 that the "anti-gender movement" poses a threat of "extreme violence" that could target the LGBTQI+ community.[9]
Related concepts
According to sociologists Roman Kuhar and David Paternotte, "the invention of 'gender ideology' is closely connected to debates within the Catholic Church".[45] Pope Francis has stated that "gender ideology" would undermine the Catholic Church's position on gender complementarity,[43] comparing it to nuclear weapons, and said it was one of the "Herods that destroy, that plot designs of death, that disfigure the face of man and woman, destroying creation".[46] In 2019, the Catholic Church released the first major document dealing specifically with "gender ideology", which states that there are only two biologically determined genders or sexes.[42] According to Corredor,
the Holy See's perspective deeply depends on a stable and predictably correlated relationship between biological sex, gender identity, and heterosexual orientation, which is expressed in the Catholic Church's terms as the one and only natural unity of mind, body, and soul. Because this unity is believed to be rooted within natural and divine law—as a direct creation of God—it transcends political, historical, and social arrangements shaped by man.[47]
The anti-gender movement is closely related to right-wing populism, nationalism, and the Christian right.[48] According to Kuhar and Paternotte, "anti-gender campaigns are [not] the direct consequence of the right-wing populist wave, but the shift towards the Right reinforces these campaigns and provides them with new supporters who took over a concept of 'gender ideology' which shares some ideological structures with right-wing populist ideology".[49] In line with their populist framing, referendums are often used to secure the outcomes desired by the anti-gender movement.[50]
Analyses and responses
Backlash or proactive movement
It is disputed the extent to which the anti-gender movement is a reaction to events and other movements, or a proactive movement attempting to create social change.[8] Hande Eslen-Ziya argues that the anti-gender movement relies on what she calls "troll science", that she describes as "(distorted) scientific arguments moulded into populist discourse, creating an alternative narrative on the conceptions of gender equality".[51]
An EU-funded research project into the anti-gender movement titled RESIST examined anti-gender rhetoric in parliamentary debates and media coverage in Hungary, Poland and the United Kingdom, and found that key actors in promoting and perpetuating anti-gender politics are primarily "men in the conservative and radical/extreme right in Europe," and that media played a roled in "deliberately stoking up a damaging moral panic targeting transgender identities" that makes transgender people the subject of “relentless ‘debate’ about the legitimacy of their rights and lives”.[52][53]
According to Marta Rawłuszko, the anti-gender movement is, in part, a backlash against the devolution of power from democratically elected national governments to unelected equality bodies and international organizations, such as the European Union, which demand changes. Because these policies are not approved by voters or their elected representatives, they generate a democratic deficit.[54] She notes that "gender equality policies have been implemented without engaging a wider audience or public debate".[55]
However, Paternotte argues that picturing the anti-gender movement as a "backlash" is "conceptually flawed, empirically weak and politically problematic", because comparative research has shown that in different countries, the anti-gender activism is "sparked by extremely different issues".[56]
Conspiracism
The idea of gender ideology has been described as a moral panic[11][12] or conspiracy theory.[13] According to two political psychologists writing for The Conversation, the conspiracy theory contributed to a debate in Poland in 2020 about "whether the coronavirus pandemic is a punishment for gender theory".[42] An Ipsos survey in October 2019 found that a plurality of Polish men under 40 believe that "the LGBT movement and gender ideology" is the "biggest threat facing them in the 21st century".[57]
Democracy and liberalism
The emergence and success of anti-gender movements is considered by political scientist Eszter Kováts to be a symptom of a deeper underlying socioeconomic, political, and cultural crisis of liberal democracy and a reaction to neoliberalism.[58] Similarly, political scientist Birgit Sauer refers to these movements as, among other things, a reaction to deregulation, precarization of labor, the erosion of the welfare state and the widening of the gap between the rich and poor.[59] In the journal LuXemburg in 2018, sociologist Weronika Grzebalska and political scientists Eszter Kováts and Andrea Pető analyze the term gender as the "symbolic glue" of the anti-gender movement, which unites different political and religious actors who would otherwise not cooperate with each other. They view the "gender ideology" that these actors mobilize against as a metaphor for the insecurity and unfairness produced by the neoliberal socioeconomic order.[60]
Those said to support gender ideology are delegitimized, negating pluralism and undermining liberal democracy, in a similar way to the far-right.[26] Lorena Sosa, assistant professor at the Netherlands Institute of Human Rights [d] (SIM), states that the anti-gender movement has challenged human rights, such as protection from violence against women, and contributed to democratic erosion.[61]
Pető argues that "The anti-gender movement is not merely another offshoot of centuries-old anti-feminism... The anti-gender movement is a fundamentally new phenomenon that was launched to establish a new world order." She also argues that the movement "is saturated with hatred"—citing online harassment against gender researchers—and argues that it "attacks liberalism and therefore democracy".[18] In 2021 the philosopher Judith Butler described the anti-gender movement as a fascist trend and cautioned self-declared feminists against allying with such movements in targeting trans, non-binary, and genderqueer people.[62][63]
In February 2024, Canada's Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre released an assessment, finding that "the ecosystem of violent rhetoric within the anti-gender movement, compounded with other extreme worldviews, can lead to serious violence." In June 2023, an associate professor and two students had been stabbed while attending a gender studies class at the University of Waterloo.[64] In 2023, Elżbieta Korolczuk argued that "while the activities of the anti-gender movement are generally non-violent, its discursive strategies and campaigns should be further analysed as possible conveyor belt to engagement in violent extremism".[65]
LGBT rights and gender equality
Marie Wittenius of the Gunda Werner Institute for feminism and gender democracy argues that the term "gender ideology" "functions as a broad projection area for racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia and transphobia, ethnicnationalist ideas as well as hostility towards elites."[66]
In August 2021, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights Dunja Mijatović said the anti-gender movement are "instrumentalising existing societal prejudices and verbally attacking LGBTI people to achieve political objectives for their own benefit" and said the targeting of "LGBTI people for political gain is a costly strategy which harms the lives and well-being of those affected and undermines social cohesion in general." The Commissioner said that "by permeating the political scene, the anti-gender movements are increasingly well-placed to erode the protection of human rights in Europe" and concluded that "by standing up for LGBTI people, we defend the equal human dignity of all, protect our societies' wellbeing and the strength of our precious human rights system."[67]
In February 2022, the European Parliament Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality organised a public hearing on "Countering the anti-gender movement", highlighting the anti-gender movement as a threat to gender equality.[68]
By region
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6a/Marcha_contra_la_Ideolog%C3%ADa_de_G%C3%A9nero_Chile_2018_%281%29.jpg/220px-Marcha_contra_la_Ideolog%C3%ADa_de_G%C3%A9nero_Chile_2018_%281%29.jpg)
The anti-gender movement emerged in Europe in the early 2010s and, as of 2019, was making headway in Latin America.[69] The movement is transnational, with campaigns in different countries borrowing strategies and rhetoric from other countries.[70] However, in individual countries the anti-gender movement overlaps with appeals to nationalism and national sovereignty.[71]
Europe
Before the emergence of the anti-gender movement, activists and scholars believed that Europe was on an inexorable course towards complete gender equality and full LGBT rights, serious opposition to which was deemed a holdover from the past or else a phenomenon confined to Eastern Europe and Roman Catholic countries. The anti-gender movement proved this perception to be incorrect.[71] Since the 1990s, the European Commission has made eligibility for funding from the Structural Funds and Cohesion Fund conditional on local gender equality policies, which led to rapid changes after Poland joined the European Union in 2004.[72]
In February 2019, the European Parliament passed a resolution against the "backlash in women's rights and gender equality in the EU".[56][73]
Bulgaria
In February 2023, the Bulgarian Socialist Party called for a national referendum on "Gender Ideology". Later in the month, the party praised a Supreme Court ruling that only biological sex can be listed on government documents and could not be changed.[74][75]
France
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/55/Paris_-_La_Manif_pour_Tous_-_20140202_-_8.jpg/220px-Paris_-_La_Manif_pour_Tous_-_20140202_-_8.jpg)
The anti-gender movement in France is spearheaded by Farida Belghoul[76] and La Manif pour tous (LMPT), a protest movement which originated in early 2013 to oppose same-sex marriage in France and pivoted to opposing equality curricula after same-sex marriage was legalized in May 2013.[77] The anti-gender movement in France has spread false rumors and hoaxes, such as the claim that masturbation is being taught in French kindergartens.[78][79][76]
Germany
In Germany, right-wing extremists and right-wing populists mobilized against the concept of "gender madness",[a] which was characterized as a "weapon" against "the German people" in a 2013 call by neo-Nazis.[who?][80]
Even outside the extreme right, there has been critical discussion of gender mainstreaming since 2006, when Eva Herman commented on the role of women in society and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung debated "political gender reassignment". Right-wing extremists used this as a prelude to a targeted campaign against gender mainstreaming.[80]
Additionally, since 2013, the fundamentalist Christian protest alliance Demo für Alle [de][b] has mobilized against same-sex marriage and gender mainstreaming.[82]
Hungary
According to Eszter Kováts and Andrea Pető, writing in 2017, there was "no significant anti-gender movement" in the country, but "a palpable anti-gender discourse", especially in the later 2010s, which to date had only sporadically intersected with the national public debate.[83] They write that the Hungarian anti-gender discourse emerged in 2008, when a textbook was published that was criticized by a Fidesz MP. The politician said that the textbook contained "gender ideology" and that "the greatest danger of this trend is that society will lose its sexual identity".[84] In politics, the anti-gender discourse first attained prominence in 2010, when the left-wing government inserted a sentence into the national curriculum stating that early childhood educators should "deliberately avoid any strengthening of gender stereotypes and facilitate the dismantling of the prejudices concerning the social equality of genders".[85] Right-wing media gave the change much coverage; it was alleged to promote "gender ideology".[86]
Italy
Anti-gender in Italy has been sponsored by Lega Nord party[87] as well as the groups Pro Vita (associated with the neo-fascist party New Force)[88] and Manif pour Tous Italia, later called Generazione Famiglia.[89] In the 2018 Italian general election, Lega Nord placed members of Catholic organizations on its electoral lists, sealing an anti-gender alliance.[90]
Lithuania
The 2020 Lithuanian parliamentary elections and the formation of coalition between the Homeland Union and Freedom Party, which shares a positive stance on LGBT-related policies, led to the formation of anti-gender movements such as the Lithuanian Family Movement[91] and political parties like the National Alliance.[92]
Norway
Gender studies scholar Elisabeth L. Engebretsen has identified groups such as the Norwegian branch of Women's Declaration International and LLH2019, a self-declared sister organization of LGB Alliance, as key anti-gender actors in Norway. According to Engebretsen these groups are part of a "complex threat to democracy".[93]
Gender studies scholar Janne Bromseth wrote that the 2022 Oslo shooting "happened in a context" and that "the anti-gender movement has also shifted boundaries in the public debate in Norway in recent years," resulting in "a harsher climate of debate where primarily organized TERFs have been given space to set the agenda for the 'debate on gender' and the alleged threat of 'gender ideology' to the natural order."[94]
Poland
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d8/02018_0018_Catholic_anti-gay_protesters_during_the_Equality_March_in_Rzesz%C3%B3w.jpg/220px-02018_0018_Catholic_anti-gay_protesters_during_the_Equality_March_in_Rzesz%C3%B3w.jpg)
In late 2013, the term gender, which had been confined to academic discourse, became popularized as part of an anti-gender campaign by the right-wing and the Catholic Church.[95] The campaign against "gender ideology" is promoted by the ruling, national-conservative PiS party, by the Catholic Church's hierarchy, and more radically nationalist groups with which PiS has a fluid boundary: All-Polish Youth, the National Rebirth of Poland, and the National-Radical Camp.[96] Sociologists Piotr Żuk [pl] and Paweł Żuk write that: "The right in Poland perceives both feminist and homosexual circles as a threat to the national identity associated with the Catholic religion and as a threat to the traditional family model and social order."[97] Anti-LGBT rhetoric from the Polish right increased following the conclusion of the 2015 European migrant crisis, during which anti-migrant rhetoric was prominent.[98] With anti-gender rhetoric, the LGBT community served as the scapegoat or demonized enemy required by populist politics.[99]
A 2020 survey of a representative sample of 1,000 Poles found that 30% believed in the existence of a gender conspiracy, "defined as a secret plan to destroy Christian tradition partly by taking control over public media".[42] The survey found that belief in the gender conspiracy did not correlate with religiosity; it was strongly associated with the belief that the Catholic Church should occupy a privileged position in society and rejection of LGBT people as neighbors.[42][100] Marta Rawłuszko suggests that Polish people may be prone to finding conspiracies because of the actual plots during communist rule.[101] In June 2020, Polish president Andrzej Duda of PiS drew attention when he called LGBT an "ideology" and a form of "neo-Bolshevism", ahead of the 2020 Polish presidential election.[102][103]
North America
Canada
In 2023, the "1 Million March 4 Children" was a series of anti-LGTBQ protests carried out in various cities throughout Canada.[104][105][106][107] Protesters advocated removing "pronouns, gender ideology and mixed bathrooms" in the educational environment.[108] Protesters claimed children were exposed to "inappropriate" topics regarding sexuality and gender identity.[109] At least 63 counter-protests were planned or carried out in response to the march.[108][110] On 19 September 2023, an educational union in Ontario had three offices vandalized with anti-LGBTQ messages.[111] In response to the march, various school boards in Ontario expressed their support for LGBTQ schoolchildren, staff, and families.[112] In Ottawa, two protesters were arrested for "inciting hatred" by "displaying hateful material".[112] Another person was arrested for disturbance.[113] The protests were condemned by Ottawa mayor Mark Sutcliffe,[114] as well as cities such as Whitehorse.[115]
United States
In 2021, there was a march in Puerto Rico against the introduction of a "Gender Perspective curriculum" in public schools that was created under former Governor Alejandro García Padilla and being enacted under Governor Pedro Pierluisi. Marchers said they opposed "Gender Ideology". Speakers included Bishop Daniel Fernández Torres, political scientist Agustín Laje, and other religious leaders.[116][better source needed][undue weight? – discuss]
Latin America
Brazil
Former President of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro has characterized "gender ideologists" as a force that is opposed to conservative Christianity. He has also said that he wants to ban "gender ideology in schools".[24]
Colombia
During the 2016 Colombian peace agreement referendum, evangelical Christian groups and right-wing politicians who opposed the peace agreement argued that protections for LGBT people in the treaty were "an instrument to impose gender ideology".[37][71][117] This helped motivate much of the evangelical electorate to oppose the agreement, which was ultimately rejected by voters,[117] 50.22% (No) to 49.78% (Yes).
Middle East
Iraq
In 2023, the Iraqi government issued an order officially prohibiting media from using the word "gender". It also mandated that the word "homosexuality" be avoided, in favor of "sexual deviance".[118]
Turkey
The conservative government of Turkey has recently ramped up anti-LGBT rhetoric. The opposition to gender and sexuality related progressive movements comes from political Islam, Islamism, and family values rhetoric. The government has supported anti-LGBT marches with the name of "The Great Family Meeting" by airing public statements on national TV.[119] The state also suppresses Pride Marches.[120]
One of the primary sources of anti-gender action is religious congregations in Turkey. All major parties of the governing Cumhur İttifakı, and some prominent people from opposition parties also engage in anti-gender rhetoric.[121]
See also
- Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe – non-fiction book on the movement
- Anti-LGBT rhetoric
- Complementarianism
- Discrimination against non-binary people
- Gender and politics
- Gender empowerment
- Gender essentialism
- Identity politics
- LGBT-free zone
- Sociology of gender
- Transphobia
- TERF
- 2020s anti-LGBT movement in the United States
- Parental rights movement
References
- Notes
- ^ German: Genderwahns, rendered in numerous English sources as gender madness.
- ^ Named after the French group La Manif pour tous ("protest for all"), which in turn was named after the expression mariage pour tous ("marriage for all") used in France as a popular name for same sex marriage.[81]
- Footnotes
- ^ a b c d e f Kováts 2016, p. 175.
- ^ a b c d Mayer & Sauer 2017, p. 23.
- ^ a b "The transnational anti-gender movement in Europe | Gunda-Werner-Institut". Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung. Retrieved 3 September 2022.
- ^ Kováts & Põim 2015, p. 126.
- ^ Walton, Kate. "Opposition to gender equality around the world is connected, well funded and spreading. Here's what you need to know about the anti-gender movement". CNN. Retrieved 29 March 2024.
- ^ a b Pearce, Ruth; Erikainen, Sonja; Vincent, Ben (2020). "TERF wars: An introduction". The Sociological Review. 68 (4): 677–698. doi:10.1177/0038026120934713. hdl:2164/18988. S2CID 221097475.
- ^ Kováts & Põim 2015, p. 11.
- ^ a b c Rawłuszko 2019, p. 2.
- ^ a b "CSIS warns that the 'anti-gender movement' poses a threat of 'extreme violence'". CBC. Retrieved 1 March 2024.
- ^ a b Graff 2016, p. 268.
- ^ a b Careaga-Pérez 2016, p. 251.
- ^ a b Żuk & Żuk 2019, p. 1.
- ^ a b c d Marchlewska et al. 2019, p. 766.
- ^ Zottola, Angela; Borba, Rodrigo (2022). ""Gender ideology" and the discursive infrastructure of a transnational conspiracy theory". Conspiracy Theory Discourses. John Benjamins. pp. 465–488 [473].
- ^ a b "Disinformation campaigns about LGBTI+ people in the EU and foreign influence" (PDF). European Parliament. 2021. pp. 4, 21–22.
- ^ a b Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 12.
- ^ Corredor 2019, p. 620.
- ^ a b Pető 2021, p. 42.
- ^ a b Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 14.
- ^ Kováts 2018, pp. 2, 8.
- ^ a b c Corredor 2019, p. 617.
- ^ a b c Kováts 2016, p. 176.
- ^ a b Case, Mary Anne (2019). "Trans Formations in the Vatican's War on 'Gender Ideology'". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 44 (3). University of Chicago Press: 639–664. doi:10.1086/701498. ISSN 0097-9740. S2CID 149472746.
- ^ a b c Abdou, Leila Hadj (14 August 2021). "Religion and Gender". In Haynes, Jeffrey (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-000-41700-5.
- ^ a b Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 9.
- ^ a b Kováts 2016, p. 178.
- ^ Careaga-Pérez 2016, pp. 251–252.
- ^ Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, pp. 7, 9–10.
- ^ a b Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 10.
- ^ Kováts 2016, pp. 178–179.
- ^ Bassi, Serena; LaFleur, Greta (2022). "Introduction: TERFs, Gender-Critical Movements, and Postfascist Feminisms". Transgender Studies Quarterly. 9 (3): 311–333. doi:10.1215/23289252-9836008. S2CID 253052875.
- ^ Thurlow, Claire (2022). "From TERF to gender critical: A telling genealogy?". Sexualities. doi:10.1177/13634607221107827. S2CID 252662057.
- ^ "Professor Judith Butler 'Who Is Afraid of Gender?'". University of Cambridge. 7 June 2023. Retrieved 18 September 2023.
- ^ "Who's financing the 'anti-gender' movement in Europe?". 27 May 2021. Retrieved 19 November 2021.
- ^ Kováts 2016, p. 179.
- ^ Wawrowski 2017, p. 16.
- ^ a b Corredor 2019, p. 614.
- ^ Kováts 2020, p. 76.
- ^ Kováts 2016, p. 184.
- ^ a b Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, pp. 2, 6.
- ^ a b Corredor 2019, pp. 628–629.
- ^ a b c d e Cichocka, Aleksandra; Marchlewska, Marta (23 March 2020). "How a gender conspiracy theory is spreading across the world". The Conversation. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
- ^ a b Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 5.
- ^ Marchlewska et al. 2019, p. 767.
- ^ Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 8.
- ^ "Pope Francis compares arguments for transgender rights to nuclear arms". The Independent. 21 February 2015. Archived from the original on 7 May 2022. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
- ^ Corredor 2019, p. 621.
- ^ Dahl & kennedy-macfoy 2020, p. 1.
- ^ Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 13.
- ^ Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 15.
- ^ Eslen-Ziya, Hande (2020). "Right-wing populism in New Turkey: Leading to all new grounds for troll science in gender theory". HTS Teologiese Studies. 76 (3). doi:10.4102/hts.v76i3.6005. hdl:11250/2682420. S2CID 224856495.
- ^ "Hostile anti-trans politics on the rise in Europe, new research finds". GCN. Retrieved 26 April 2024.
- ^ ANTI-GENDER TACTICS IN EUROPE The RESIST project: research findings (Report).
- ^ Rawłuszko 2019, pp. 1, 2–3.
- ^ Rawłuszko 2019, p. 3.
- ^ a b Paternotte, David (30 March 2020). "Backlash: A misleading narrative". Engenderings. London School of Economics. Retrieved 7 August 2020.
- ^ Walker, Shaun; Tait, Christian Davies Robert (25 October 2019). "Anti-LGBT rhetoric stokes tensions in eastern Europe". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 28 January 2020.
- ^ Kováts, Eszter (2017), Köttig, Michaela; Bitzan, Renate; Petö, Andrea (eds.), "The Emergence of Powerful Anti-Gender Movements in Europe and the Crisis of Liberal Democracy", Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 175–189, doi:10.1007/978-3-319-43533-6_12, ISBN 978-3-319-43532-9
- ^ Sauer, Birgit (2019). "Anti-feministische Mobilisierung in Europa. Kampf um eine neue politische Hegemonie?". Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (in German). 13 (3): 339–352. doi:10.1007/s12286-019-00430-8. ISSN 1865-2646. S2CID 203292624.
- ^ "Gender as symbolic glue. How 'gender' became an umbrella term for the rejection of the (neo)liberal order". Zeitschrift LuXemburg (in German). 26 September 2018. Retrieved 19 January 2021.
- ^ Sosa 2021, p. 3.
- ^ Butler, Judith. "Why is the idea of 'gender' provoking backlash the world over?". The Guardian. Retrieved 17 November 2021.
- ^ "Judith Butler says the 'anti-gender ideology movement' is a dangerous 'fascist trend'". Pink News. Retrieved 18 November 2021.
- ^ Tunney, Catharine (15 February 2024). "CSIS warns that the 'anti-gender movement' poses a threat of 'extreme violence'". Retrieved 16 February 2024.
- ^ Korolczuk, Elżbieta (2023). "Anti-gender Campaigns as a Threat to Liberal Democracy". Routledge Handbook of Non-Violent Extremism. Routledge. pp. 347–359. doi:10.4324/9781003032793-27. ISBN 978-1-003-03279-3.
- ^ "The transnational anti-gender movement in Europe". GWI. Retrieved 31 December 2022.
- ^ "Pride vs. indignity: political manipulation of homophobia and transphobia in Europe". Council of Europe. 16 August 2021.
- ^ "Public Hearing on "Countering the anti-gender movement"". European Parliament. Retrieved 31 December 2022.
- ^ Corredor 2019, pp. 613–614.
- ^ Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 2.
- ^ a b c Kuhar & Paternotte 2017, p. 3.
- ^ Rawłuszko 2019, pp. 9–10.
- ^ 2018/2684(RSP), Experiencing backlash in women's rights and gender equality in the EU
- ^ "The Bulgarian Socialist Party wants to Hold a Referendum on Gender Ideology".
- ^ "Bulgarian Supreme Court Rules Against Transgender People's Rights". 21 February 2023.
- ^ a b Caldini, Camille (28 January 2014). ""Masturbation", "théorie du genre" à l'école... Décryptage de cinq folles rumeurs". Franceinfo (in French). Retrieved 6 August 2020.
- ^ Harsin 2018, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Harsin 2018, p. 43.
- ^ Gallot & Pasquier 2018.
- ^ a b Lang, Juliane (20 November 2017). "'Gender' und 'Genderwahn'" ['Gender' and 'Gender madness' – latest bogeyman of the extreme right]. BPB (in German). Federal Agency for Civic Education. Retrieved 28 August 2021.
- ^ Ball, Sam (5 October 2014). "Protesters take to streets over French govt's 'familyphobia'". France 24. Retrieved 29 August 2021.
- ^ Schlegel, Theresa (9 May 2018). Deutungsmuster des Geschlechterverhältnisses im "anti-genderistischen" Diskurs am Beispiel der Proteste ("Demo für Alle") gegen den Bildungsplan von Baden-Württemberg 2015 [Patterns of interpretation of gender relations in "anti-genderist" discourse using the example of protests ("Demo für Alle") against the 2015 Baden-Württemberg education plan.] (Master's thesis) (in German). University of Potsdam. Retrieved 28 August 2021.
- ^ Kováts & Pető 2017, pp. 117–118.
- ^ Kováts & Pető 2017, p. 118.
- ^ Kováts & Pető 2017, p. 119.
- ^ Kováts & Pető 2017, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Donà 2020, p. 161.
- ^ Tutti i legami tra Pro Vita e Forza Nuova
- ^ Bellè & Poggio 2018, p. 120.
- ^ Donà 2020, p. 162.
- ^ "Lietuvos šeimų sąjūdis (in Lithuanian)". Lietuvos šeimų sąjūdis.
- ^ "Politinės partijos "Nacionalinis susivienijimas" programa (in Lithuanian)". National Alliance. 17 March 2020.
- ^ Engebretsen, Elisabeth L. (2022). "Scientizing Gender? An Examination of Anti-Gender Campaigns on Social Media, Norway". In Eslen–Ziya, H.; Giorgi, A. (eds.). Populism and Science in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 185–206. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-97535-7_9. ISBN 978-3-030-97534-0.
- ^ Bromseth, Janne (7 July 2022). "'Nu följer ilskan mot medias ansvarslöshet'". Ottar. Archived from the original on 12 July 2022.
- ^ Graff 2014, p. 431.
- ^ Żuk & Żuk 2019, p. 2.
- ^ Żuk & Żuk 2019, p. 3.
- ^ Santora, Marc (7 April 2019). "Poland's Populists Pick a New Top Enemy: Gay People". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
- ^ Żuk & Żuk 2019, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Marchlewska et al. 2019, pp. 775–776.
- ^ Rawłuszko 2019, p. 17.
- ^ Hoffman, Steven (20 June 2020). "What is 'LGBT ideology', and why are Polish people talking about it?". The Krakow Post. Retrieved 5 August 2020.
- ^ Dellanna, Alessio (15 June 2020). "LGBT campaigners denounce President Duda's comments on "communism"". euronews. Retrieved 5 August 2020.
- ^ Week, Peterborough This (20 September 2023). "Police close George Street for 1 Million March 4 Children protest and counter-protest in Peterborough". The Peterborough Examiner. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "Cross-country rallies against 'gender ideology' in schools met with counter-protests". CTVNews. 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "Why were there anti-LGBTQ2S+ demonstrations in Toronto?". CP24. 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "Hundreds show up at rallies for and against teaching gender diversity in B.C. schools". CBC News. 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ a b Kaul, Aru (20 September 2023). "Counter-rallies set amid Canada-wide protests against gender identity education". www.chch.com. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "Cross-country rallies against 'gender ideology' in schools met with counter-protests". CTVNews. 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ Bueckert, Kate (20 September 2023). "Hundreds of protesters and counter-protesters rally in Kitchener, Guelph over LGBTQ rights in schools". CBC News. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "Ontario school union tells premier to speak out after offices vandalized with anti-LGBTQ messages". 19 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ a b "Arrests, heated exchanges mark rallies for and against teaching LGBTQ rights in schools". CBC News. 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "Three arrests made at 'Million March for Children' protest on Parliament Hill". Ottawa. 20 September 2023. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ Média, Bell (20 September 2023). "Three arrests made at 'Million March for Children' protest on Parliament Hill". www.iheartradio.ca. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ Giilck, T.S. (19 September 2023). "Whitehorse Daily Star: City, YEU condemn 'Million March 4 Children'". Whitehorse Daily Star. Retrieved 20 September 2023.
- ^ "March against gender ideology in schools held in Puerto Rico".
- ^ a b William Mauricio Beltrán, Sian Creely, Gender Ideology and the Peace Plebiscite: Colombia 2016[permanent dead link], in Religions (2018), volume 9, issue 10
- ^ "Iraq bans media usage of words 'homosexuality', 'gender': reports". 10 August 2023.
- ^ "Thousands gather at anti-LGBTI+ rally in İstanbul". bianet.org. Retrieved 26 March 2024.
- ^ "Police detain 50 after Pride march in Istanbul". Reuters. 25 June 2023. Retrieved 26 March 2024.
- ^ "LGBTİ+ dernekleri, seçim kampanyasındaki nefret dilinden şikayetçi: 'Biz kime güveneceğiz?'". BBC News Türkçe (in Turkish). 10 May 2023. Retrieved 1 April 2024.
Sources
- Bellè, Elisa; Poggio, Barbara (2018). "New faces of populism: the Italian 'anti-gender' mobilization" (PDF). In Kovala, Urpo; Palonen, Emilia; Ruotsalainen, Maria; Saresma, Tuija (eds.). Populism on the loose. Nykykulttuurin tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja. ISBN 978-951-39-7401-5.
- Donà, Alessia (2020). "The populist Italian Lega from ethno-regionalism to radical right-wing nationalism: backsliding gender-equality policies with a little help from the anti-gender movement". European Journal of Politics and Gender. 3 (1): 161–163. doi:10.1332/251510819X15657567135115. S2CID 202306955.
- Careaga-Pérez, Gloria (2016). "Moral Panic and Gender Ideology in Latin America". Religion and Gender. 6 (2): 251–255. doi:10.18352/rg.10174.
- Corredor, Elizabeth S. (2019). "Unpacking 'Gender Ideology' and the Global Right's Antigender Countermovement". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 44 (3): 613–638. doi:10.1086/701171. S2CID 150203294.
- Dahl, Ulrika; kennedy-macfoy, madeleine (2020). "(Anti) Gender Studies and Populist movements in Europe". European Journal of Women's Studies. 27 (3): 282–284. doi:10.1177/1350506820929220. S2CID 219756407.
- Gallot, Fanny; Pasquier, Gaël (2018). "L'école à l'épreuve de la 'théorie du genre' : les effets d'une polémique: Introduction". Cahiers du Genre. 65 (2): 5–. doi:10.3917/cdge.065.0005.
- Graff, Agnieszka (2014). "Report from the gender trenches: War against 'genderism' in Poland". European Journal of Women's Studies. 21 (4): 431–435. doi:10.1177/1350506814546091. S2CID 147367936.
- Graff, Agnieszka (2016). "'Gender Ideology': Weak Concepts, Powerful Politics". Religion and Gender. 6 (2): 268–272. doi:10.18352/rg.10177.
- Harsin, Jayson (2018). "Post-Truth Populism: The French Anti-Gender Theory Movement and Cross-Cultural Similarities". Communication, Culture and Critique. 11 (1): 35–52. doi:10.1093/ccc/tcx017.
- Kováts, Eszter (2016). "The Emergence of Powerful Anti-Gender Movements in Europe and the Crisis of Liberal Democracy". In Köttig, Michaela; Bitzan, Renate; Petö, Andrea (eds.). Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe. Springer. pp. 175–189. ISBN 978-3-319-43533-6.
- Kováts, Eszter; Pető, Andrea (2017). "Anti-gender discourse in Hungary: A discourse without a movement?". In Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David (eds.). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 117–132. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
- Kováts, Eszter (2018). "Questioning Consensuses: Right-Wing Populism, Anti-Populism, and the Threat of 'Gender Ideology'". Sociological Research Online. 23 (2): 528–538. doi:10.1177/1360780418764735. S2CID 149904118.
- Kováts, Eszter; Põim, Maari, eds. (2015). Gender as Symbolic Glue. The Position and Role of Conservative and Far Right Parties in the Anti-gender Mobilisation in Europe (PDF). Foundation for European Progressive Studies and Friedrich Ebert Foundation.
- Kováts, Eszter (2020). "Post-Socialist Conditions and the Orbán Government's Gender Politics between 2010 and 2019 in Hungary". In Dietze, Gabriele; Roth, Julia (eds.). Right-Wing Populism and Gender: European Perspectives and Beyond. transcript Verlag. pp. 75–99. ISBN 978-3-8394-4980-6.
- Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David (2017). "Introduction". Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
- Marchlewska, Marta; Cichocka, Aleksandra; Łozowski, Filip; Górska, Paulina; Winiewski, Mikołaj (2019). "In search of an imaginary enemy: Catholic collective narcissism and the endorsement of gender conspiracy beliefs" (PDF). The Journal of Social Psychology. 159 (6): 766–779. doi:10.1080/00224545.2019.1586637. PMID 30870100. S2CID 78092505.
- Mayer, Stefanie; Sauer, Birgit (2017). "'Gender ideology' in Austria: Coalitions around an empty signifier". In Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David (eds.). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
- Pető, Andrea (2021). "Feminist Stories from an Illiberal State: Revoking the License to Teach Gender Studies in Hungary at a University in Exile (CEU)" (PDF). Gender and Power in Eastern Europe. Societies and Political Orders in Transition. Springer International Publishing. pp. 35–44. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-53130-0_4. ISBN 978-3-030-53130-0. S2CID 228869405.
- Rawłuszko, Marta (2019). "And If the Opponents of Gender Ideology Are Right? Gender Politics, Europeanization, and the Democratic Deficit". Politics & Gender. 17 (2): 301–323. doi:10.1017/S1743923X19000576. S2CID 210541940.
- Sosa, Lorena (2021). "Beyond gender equality? Anti-gender campaigns and the erosion of human rights and democracy". Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights. 39 (1): 3–10. doi:10.1177/0924051921996697. S2CID 232132773.
- Wawrowski, Łukasz (2017). "Czy jest sens dyskutować z przeciwnikami tzw. ideologii gender?" [Does it make sense to debate the opponents of the so-called gender ideology?] (PDF). Chorzowskie Studia Polityczne (in Polish) (14): 13–.
- Żuk, Piotr; Żuk, Paweł (2019). "'Murderers of the unborn' and 'sexual degenerates': analysis of the 'anti-gender' discourse of the Catholic Church and the nationalist right in Poland". Critical Discourse Studies. 17 (5): 566–588. doi:10.1080/17405904.2019.1676808. S2CID 210358322.
Further reading
- Anti-Gender Movements on the Rise? Strategising for Gender Equality in Central and Eastern Europe. Publication Series on Democracy. Vol. 38. Heinrich Böll Foundation. 2015. ISBN 978-3-86928-139-1.
- Graff, Agnieszka; Korolczuk, Elżbieta (2021). Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment. Routledge. hdl:20.500.12657/50542. ISBN 978-1-000-41334-2.
- Hark, Sabine; Villa, Paula-Irene, eds. (2017). Anti-Genderismus: Sexualität und Geschlecht als Schauplätze aktueller politischer Auseinandersetzungen [Anti-genderism: Sexuality and gender as arenas of current political conflicts] (in German and English). transcript Verlag. ISBN 978-3-8394-3144-3.
- Krampl, Ulrike; von Tippelskirch, Xenia (2017). "Anti-Gender-Bewegungen in Europa. Erste kritische Bestandsaufnahmen". L'Homme (in German). 28 (2): 101–108. doi:10.14220/lhom.2017.28.2.101.
- Kuhar, Roman; Paternotte, David, eds. (2017). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-78660-001-1.
- Lavizzari, Anna (2019). Protesting Gender: The LGBTIQ Movement and its Opponents in Italy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-000-76792-6.
- Sauer, Birgit (2019). "Cultural war 2.0? The relevance of gender in the radical populist-nationalist right". In Atzmüller, Roland; Aulenbacher, Brigitte; Brand, Ulrich; Décieux, Fabienne; Fischer, Karin; Sauer, Birgit (eds.). Capitalism in Transformation: Movements and Countermovements in the 21st Century. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 169–182. ISBN 978-1-78897-424-0.
- Towns, Ann (2020). "Gender, Nation and the Generation of Cultural Difference across 'The West'". Culture and Order in World Politics. Cambridge University Press. pp. 271–293. ISBN 978-1-108-48497-8.