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[[File:Ahmedabad riots1.jpg|thumb|300px|right|The skyline of [[Ahmedabad]] filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs]]
The '''2002 Gujarat violence''' was a period of inter-communal violence in the Indian state of [[Gujarat]] which lasted for approximately three days. Following on from the initial incident there were further outbreaks of violence in [[Ahmedabad]] which lasted for approximately three weeks, statewide there were further outbreaks of [[Anti-Muslim violence in India|mass killings]] against the minority Muslim population for three months.<ref name="Ghassem-Fachand 2012"/><ref name="Escherle 2013"/> The attack on 27 February 2002 on a [[Godhra train burning|train]], thought by most to have been carried out by Muslims, and which caused the deaths of 58 people, some of whom were activists returning from [[Ayodhya dispute|Ayodhya]], is believed to have been the cause of the incidents, with some commentators calling the violence an act of retaliation.<ref name="Hakeem 2012"/><ref name="Jeffery 2011"/> Other commentators however have disputed this saying that the attacks had been pre-planned, were well orchestrated and that the attack on the train was in fact a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence.<ref name="Brass 2005"/><ref name="Baldwin 2002"/>
According to the official figures, the riots resulted in the deaths of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus; 2,500 people were injured non-fatally, and 223 more were reported missing.<ref name="Official death toll"/> Other sources estimate that up to 2000 Muslims died.<ref name="Embree 2012"/> There were instances of [[Rape in India|rape]], children being burned alive, and widespread looting and destruction of property. Chief Minister [[Narendra Modi]] has been accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as have police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them.<ref name="Murphy 2011"/> In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the [[Supreme Court of India]]. The Muslim community are reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief" and [[Teesta Setalvad]], of the [[Non-governmental organisation|NGO]], Citizen for Peace and Justice, has said the legal process was not yet over as there was a right to appeal.<ref name="Krishnan 2012"/> In July 2013 allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence.<ref name="Times of India 2013"/>
While officially classified as a [[Communalism (South Asia)|communalist riot]], the 2002 events have been described as a [[pogrom]] by many scholars and commentators.<ref>Chris Ogden. 2012. A Lasting Legacy: The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance and India's Politics Journal of Contemporary Asia Vol. 42, Iss. 1, 2012</ref><ref name="Dhattiwala 2012"/> Other independent observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide",<ref name="Garlough 2013"/> called it an instance of [[State Terrorism|state terrorism]],<ref name="Pandey 2005 b"/><ref name="Baruah 2012 b"/> while others have said the incidents were tantamount to [[ethnic cleansing]].<ref name="Khosrokhavar 2010"/> Instances of mass violence which occurred include the [[Naroda Patiya massacre]] that took place directly alongside a police training camp,<ref name="Patiya massacre"/> the [[Gulbarg Society massacre]] which resulted in the death of [[Ehsan Jafri]] a former member of [[Parliament of India|parliament]], and in the city of [[Vadodara]].<ref name="Vadodara 2007"/> [[Martha Nussbaum]] has said that "There is by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law"<ref name="Nussbaum 2008"/>
{{TOC right}}
==Godhra train burning==
[[File:Godhra Train Burning Image.jpg|thumb|left|200px|The Sabarmati Express afire]]
On 27 February 2002, the [[Sabarmati Express]] was reported to have been attacked and set alight by a crowd of Muslims. These reports resulted in a concerted attack on the Muslim community. The causes of the initial confrontation at Godhra railway station are undetermined, it was reported that the activists had harassed Muslim vendors on the station platform, and this has been cited as a probable cause for the attack on the train.<ref name="Hampton 2002"/> Martha Nussbaum wrote in 2008 that two independent inquires concluded that the fire was an accident and had begun inside the train, caused by combustion stoves.<ref name="Nussbaum 2009 p81"/> The [[Godhra train burning#Banerjee Committee|The Banerjee Committee]], started by [[Lalu Prasad Yadav]] and headed up by a retired Supreme Court judge, [[Umesh Chandra Banerjee]],<ref name="IE222"/> concluded that the fire had started inside the train and was most likely accidental. However, the committee was declared illegal, unconstitutional and outside the jurisdiction of the [[Government of India|Union government]] by the [[Gujarat High Court]] in 2006.<ref name="Press Trust 2006"/> Another report carried out by the Hazards Centre, an NGO from Delhi also concluded that the fire must have begun inside the train, and both the Hazard and the Banerjee reports were critical of the preliminary investigations carried out by local police.<ref name="Spodek 2008"/> The NGO Concerned Citizens Tribunal(CCT), headed by [[Teesta Setalvad]] also concluded that the fire had been an accident.<ref name="Tribunal 2003"/><ref name="AHRC 2003"/> However, many findings of the CCT provided by [[Teesta Setalvad]] have been called into question by the Special Investigation Team.<ref>{{cite news |title=Teesta Setalvad & others made false claims against Narendra Modi |author= |url=http://www.dnaindia.com/ahmedabad/1827251/report-teesta-setalvad-and-others-made-false-claims-against-narendra-modi |newspaper=DNA India |date=23 April 2013 |accessdate=9 July 2013}}</ref>
Another investigation, which was commissioned by the Gujarat government lead by the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] was headed by [[G. T. Nanavati]], a retired Supreme Court judge. This investigation known as the "Shah-Nanavati commission" concluded that the attacks on the train had been pre-planned and was the result of a conspiracy by locals.<ref name="Khan, Times of India 2011"/> In a recording by [[Tehelka]] Arvind Pandya who is counsel to the Gujarat government, stated that the Shah-Nanavati commission would fall in favour of the BJP, as Shah was their man and Nanavati could be bribed.<ref name="Jaffrelot 2011 p389"/> Independent commentators have said that the fire itself was almost certainly an accident, and that the initial cause of the conflagration will never be determined.<ref name="Jeffery 2011"/><ref name="Metcalf 2012"/> However, most commentators place the blame for the burning on Muslims.<ref>{{cite book |last=Hakeem |first=Farrukh |authorlink= |title=Policing Muslim Communities: Comparative International Context |url= |accessdate=13 August 2013 |year=2012 |publisher=[[Springer]] |location=Berlin}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Egginton |first=William |authorlink= |title=In Defense of Religious Moderation |url= |accessdate=13 August 2013 |year=2011 |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York}}</ref><ref>[http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/02/22/AR2011022201024.html 31 convicted in deadly Godhra train fire that sparked fatal anti-Muslim riots in India] Washington Post - 22 February 2011</ref>
==Post Godhra violence==
{{location map+|India Gujarat|float=right|width=300|caption=Location of major incidents.|places=
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Vadodara'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=left|lat=22|long=73}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Naroda'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=bottom|lat=23|long=72}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Ahmedabad'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=23.03|long=72.58}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Godhra'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=22.777266|long=73.620253}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Ode'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=22.00|long=73.00}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Gandhinagar'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=23.22|long=72.68}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Mehsana'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=left|lat=23.6|long=72.7}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Bharuch'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=21.7|long=72.97}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Surat'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=21.17|long=72.83}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Rajkot'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=22.3000|long=70.7833}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Halvad'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=left|lat=23.02|long=71.18}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Modasa'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=23.4|long=73.3}}
{{Location map~|India Gujarat|label='''Himatnagar'''<br>|mark=Red_pog.svg|position=right|lat=23.6|long=72.95}}
}}
Following the attack on the train the [[Vishva Hindu Parishad]] (VHP) called for a statewide ''[[bandh]]'' (strike), even though these have been declared by the Supreme Court to be unconstitutional and illegal. It is common knowledge in India that these strikes are usually followed by violence. No action was taken by the state to prevent the strike, or put a stop the initial violence.<ref name="Shani 2007 b"/> Independent reports indicate that former VHP president [[Rana Rajendrasinh]] had endorsed the strike, and that Modi and Rana had used inflammatory language which could worsen the situation.<ref name="Simpson 2009"/>
Modi declared that the attack on the train had been carried out by "terrorists", these words were interpreted as a signal to take vengeance on the Muslim community.<ref name="Horvitz 2011"/> Local newspapers and members of the state government used the Godhra incident to incite the violence. They claimed without proof<ref name="Embree 2012"/> the attack on the train was carried out by Pakistan's [[Inter-Services Intelligence|intelligence]] agency and that local Muslims had conspired with them to attack Hindus in the state. False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslims kidnapped and then raped some Hindu women.<ref name="Hibbard 2010 b"/>
The day following the fire coordinated attacks began. Men wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts arrived en masse in trucks. They had swords, explosives and gas cylinders which were used to destroy homes and places of business. Attacks were made in full view of police stations and police officers, however the police did not intervene.<ref name="Murphy 2011"/> The rioters used mobile phones to coordinate their attacks.<ref name="Khan 2011 b"/> By days end on 28 February in 27 towns and cities a curfew was declared.<ref name="Oommen 2005 a"/> A minister who spoke with [[Rediff.com]] stated that though the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad, the situation was under control, and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence. In Baroda the administration also imposed a curfew in seven areas. The deputy superintendent of police stated that the Rapid Action Force had been deployed to sensitive areas in Godhra. Gordhan Zadaphia, the state home minister believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community.<ref name="Bhatt 2002"/> Three days after the violence had begun troops were airlifted into the state and began flag marches. Modi, stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control, he also said that if the situation warranted it, then the police would have help by deploying the army. A shoot to kill order was also issued.<ref name="Dasgupta 2002"/> However the troop deployment was withheld by the state until the most severe aspects of the violence had ended, and it was not until 1 March that contingents of troops began to be deployed to help put down the violence.<ref name="Margatt 2011"/> After more than two months of violence a unanimous vote to gain federal intervention was passed in the upper house of parliament. Members of the opposition made accusations that the government had failed to give protection to Muslims in what was, after ten years the worst rioting in India.<ref name="BBC 6 May 2002"/>
There was widespread targeted destruction of shrines and mosques. The tomb of Malik Asin was bulldozed, the [[Muhafiz Khan Mosque]] was also destroyed. The tomb of the eighteenth century saint [[Wali Mohammed Wali|Wali Gujrati]] was leveled and paved over the following day by the council. It is estimated that 230 [[Mosque|masjids]] and [[dargah]]s were destroyed during the violence.<ref name="Bunsha 2005 b"/> For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part, and looted Muslim shops.<ref name="Oommen 2005 a"/> It is estimated that up to 150,000 people were displaced during the violence.<ref name="Rubin 2010 b"/> It is estimated that 200 police officers died while trying to control the violence and human rights watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence.<ref name="Rosser 2003"/><ref name="Heroism" />
==Attacks on Muslims==
{{Violence against Muslims}}
[[Dionne Bunsha]] writing on the Gulbarg Society massacre and murder of Ehsan Jafri, has said that Jafri begged the crowd to spare the women, he was dragged into the street and forced to parade naked yet he refused to say "Jai Shri Ram". He was then beheaded and thrown onto a fire, following this the rioters returned and burned Jafri's family, including two small boys to death. After the massacre Gulbarg burned for a week.<ref name="Bunsha 2005 b"/><ref name="Ahmed 2003"/> According to [[Siddharth Varadarajan]] on 28 February in the districts of Morjari Chowk and Charodia Chowk, in Ahmedabad of forty people killed by police shooting, all were Muslim.<ref name="Varadarajan 2002"/>
It is estimated that at least 250 girls and women had been [[gang rape]]d and then burned to death.<ref name="Kabir 2011"/> Children were killed by being burnt alive and those digging mass graves described the bodies as "burned and butchered beyond recognition".<ref name="Smith 2007"/>
Children were force fed petrol and then set on fire, pregnant women were gutted and their unborn child's body then shown to the women. In the Naroda Patiya mass grave of 96 bodies 46 were women. The murderers also flooded homes and electrocuted entire families inside.<ref name="Jaffrelot 2011"/> Violence against women also included their being stripped naked, objects being forced into their bodies and then their being killed. According to Kalpana Kannabiran the rapes were part of a well organized, deliberate and pre-planned strategy, and that this puts the violence in the area of a political pogrom and genocide.<ref name="Kannabiran 2012"/> Other acts of violence against women were [[Acid throwing|acid attacks]], beatings and the killing of women who were pregnant. Children were also killed in front of their parents.<ref name="Gangoli 2012"/> [[George Fernandes]] in a discussion in parliament on the violence caused widespread furore in his defence of the state government, saying that this was not the first time that women and been violated and raped in India.<ref name="Martin-Lucas 2010"/>
Children and infants were speared and held aloft before being thrown into fires.<ref name="Wilkinson 2005"/> Describing the sexual violence perpetrated against Muslim women and girls, Renu Khanna writes that the survivors reported "that sexual violence consisted of forced nudity, mass rapes, gang-rapes, mutilation, insertion of objects into bodies, cutting of breasts, slitting the stomach and reproductive organs, and carving of Hindu religious symbols on women's body parts."<ref name="Renu Khanna 2008"/> The Concerned Citizens' Tribunal, characterised the use of rape "as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of a community".<ref name="Renu Khanna 2008"/> Testimony heard by the committee stated that:
<blockquote>A chilling technique, absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases, was the deliberate destruction of evidence. Barring a few, in most instances of sexual violence, the women victims were stripped and paraded naked, then gang-raped, and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition ... The leaders of the mobs even raped young girls, some as young as 11 years old ... before burning them alive ... Even a 20-day-old infant, or a fetus in the womb of its mother, was not spared.<ref name="Renu Khanna 2008"/>
</blockquote>
For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part, and looted Muslim shops.<ref name="Oommen 2005 a"/> According to [[Vandana Shiva]] "Young boys have been taught to burn, rape and kill in the name of Hindutva".<ref name="Shiva 2003"/>
==Attacks on Hindus==
{{Violence against Hindus}}
Human rights watch has reported that 10000 Hindus had been displaced during the violence, many Hindu residents were in fear of reprisal attacks or being mistaken for Muslim. Hindu home and business owners had placed saffron flags or pictures of Hindu deities on their properties to identify themselves as Hindu. On 17 March there was an attack by Muslims on Dalits. In [[Himatnagar]], a man was found dead, his eyes had been gouged out. The Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad, were also attacked.<ref name="Human Rights Watch 2002"/>
There was a retaliatory attack in Jamalpur which resulted in 25 Hindus injured and five house being razed. The police quickly responded, and the colony was visited by Modi after a short period of time.<ref name="Human Rights Watch 2002"/><ref name="Oommen 2008"/> According to Varadarajan the majority of Hindu deaths were from shootings by the police, some were killed by Hindutva rioters after they had been mistaken for Muslims, with some deliberately killed for having worked with, or having befriended Muslims. A report from [[Frontline (magazine)|Frontline]] on the violence in Ahmedabad of 249 bodies recovered by 5 march, 30 were Hindus. Of these 13 had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties. 24 Muslims had died in police shootings even though there had been very few attacks by Muslims on Hindu neighborhoods.<ref name="Varadarajan 2002 p83"/>
==Media coverage==
The events in Gujarat were the first instance of communal violence in India in the age of 24 hour news coverage, and were televised worldwide, this coverage played a central role in the politics of the situation. Media coverage was generally critical of the Hindu right, however the BJP portrayed the coverage as an assault on the honour of Gujaratis and turned the hostility into an emotive part of their electoral campaign.<ref name="Mehtaa 2006"/><ref name="Gupta 2012 p7"/>
With the violence receding in April a peace meeting was arranged at [[Sabarmati Ashram]] a former home of [[Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi|Gandhi]]. Hindutva supporters and Police officers attacked almost a dozen Journalists. The state government banned television news channels critical of the government's response, and local stations were blocked. Two reporters working for [[ABP News|STAR News]] were assaulted several times while covering the violence, on a return trip from having interviewed Modi when their car was surrounded by a crowd, one of the crowd claimed that they would be killed should they be a member of a minority community. Prasun Sonwalkar believes the media can play an important role in highlighting acts of action, or inaction and abuses of power.<ref name="Cole 2009"/>
The Editors Guild of India, in its report on [[media ethics]] and coverage on the incidents stated that the news coverage was exemplary, with only a few minor lapses. The local newspapers ''Sandesh Gujarati'' and ''Gujarat Samachar'' however were heavily criticised.<ref name="Varadarajan 2002 p272"/> The report states that ''Sandesh'' had headlines which would "provoke, communalize and terrorise people. The newspaper also used a quote from a VHP leader as a headline, "Avenge with blood". The report also stated that ''Samachar'' had played a role in increasing the tensions, but did not give all of its coverage over to "hawkish and inflammatory reportage in the first few weeks" The paper also carried reports to highlight communal harmony. ''Gujarat Today'' was given praise for showing restraint and for the balanced reportage of the violence.<ref name="Sonwalkar 2009"/>
Critical reporting on the Gujarat government's handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government's intervention in controlling the violence. The Editorial Guild of India rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation, saying that the coverage exposed the "horrors" of the riots as well as the "supine if not complicit" attitude of the state, helping propel remedial action.<ref name="Cole 2006"/>
==Allegations of state complicity==
Dipankar Gupta believes that the state and police were complicit in the violence is an undoubted fact. Gupta has also said that some officers were outstanding in the performance of their duties such as Himanshu Bhatt and Rahul Sharma. Sharma was reported to have said "I don't think any other job would have allowed me to save so many lives".<ref name="Gupta 2011"/> These attacks have been described by [[Gyanendra Pandey (historian)|Gyanendra Pandey]] as pogroms and a new form of state terrorism, and that these incidents are not riots but "organized political massacres".<ref name="Pandey 2005 b"/> According to [[Paul Brass]] the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical Anti-Muslim pogrom which was carried out with exceptional brutality and was highly coordinated.<ref name="Brass p388"/>
The media has also described the attacks as state terrorism rather than "communal riots" due to the lack of state intervention.<ref name="Baruah 2012 b"/> Selective targeting of properties was shown by the destruction of the offices of the Muslim Wakf board which was located within the confines of the high security zone and just 500 meters from the office of the chief minister.<ref name="Shani 2007 b"/> Cited as further evidence of state complicity was that the rioters had printouts of voter registration lists, allowing them to target Muslim properties.<ref name="Khan 2011 b"/><ref name="Rubin 2010 b"/>
According to Scott W. Hibbard the violence had been planned far in advance, and that similar to other instances of communal violence the [[Bajrang Dal]], the VHP and the [[Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh]] all took part in the attacks.<ref name="Hibbard 2010 b"/> An investigation by the British high commission concluded that the violence had been pre-planned and the state government had supported the rioters and that the violence had the mark of ethnic cleansing. This report also said that while Modi remained in power then reconciliation between the Hindu and Muslim communities would not be possible.<ref name="Cohen" /> The US Commission on International Religious Freedom Report in 2003 and 2004 called India a "country of particular concern", and cited as one reason for this was the violence in 2002. They also wrote the even though India has a tradition of democracy, minorities are subjected to mass killings and intense violence periodically. It also made note that those who carry out these acts of violence are rarely held accountable for their actions.<ref name="Bigelow 2010"/>
An international fact finding committee formed of all women international experts from US, UK, France, Germany and Sri Lanka reported, "sexual violence was being used as a strategy for terrorising women belonging to minority community in the state."<ref name="Press Trust of India"/>
The CCT report includes testimony of the then Gujarat BJP minister [[Haren Pandya]] (since murdered), who testified about an evening meeting convened by [[Narendra Modi]] the evening of the [[Godhra train burning]]. At this meeting, officials were instructed not to obstruct the Hindu rage following the incident.<ref name="Puniyani 2009"/> The report also highlighted a second meeting, held in Lunawada village of [[Panchmahal district]], attended by state ministers Ashok Bhatt, and Prabhatsinh Chauhan, and other BJP and RSS leaders, where "detailed plans were made on the use of kerosene and petrol for arson and other methods of killing."<ref name="Desai 2002"/> The [[Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind|Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind]] claimed in 2002 that some regional Congress workers collaborated with the perpetrators of the violence.<ref name="Ramachandran 2003"/>
Organizations such as [[Human Rights Watch]] criticised the [[Government of India|Indian government]] for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of the people, the "overwhelming majority of them Muslim," who fled their homes for relief camps in the aftermath of the events, as well as the Gujarat state administration for engaging in a cover-up of the state's role in the massacres.<ref name="HRW May 2002"/>
In response to allegations of state involvement, Gujarat government spokesman, Bharat Pandya, told the BBC that the rioting was a spontaneous Hindu backlash fuelled by widespread anger against Muslims. He said "Hindus are frustrated over the role of Muslims in the on-going violence in Indian-administered Kashmir and other parts of India".<ref name="Sen March 2002"/>
The US Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom, [[John Hanford]], expressing concern over religious intolerance in Indian politics, said that while the rioters may have been aided by state and local officials, he did not believe that the BJP-led central government was involved in inciting the riots.<ref name="Krishnaswami 2006"/>
==Criminal prosecutions==
Prosecution of those accused for criminal actions during the violence faced problems with witnesses being either bribed or intimidated, local judges were also biased.<ref name="Nussbaum 2008 p2"/> As of April 2013 249 convictions had been secured, 184 Hindus and 65 Muslims. 31 of the Muslim convictions were for the Train incident in Godhra.<ref name="Correspondent 2013"/>
The [[Indian Supreme Court]] has been strongly critical of the state government's investigation and prosecution of those accused of violence during the riots, directing police to review about 2,000 of the 4,000 riot-related cases that had been closed citing lack of evidence or leads.<ref name=BBC1>{{cite news | title = Court orders Gujarat riot review |publisher=BBC News |date=17 August 2004 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3572296.stm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> Following this direction, police identified nearly 1,600 cases for re-investigation, arrested 640 accused and launched investigations against 40 police officers for their failures.<ref name=BBC2>{{cite news | title = Gujarat riot cases to be reopened |publisher=BBC News |date=8 February 2006 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4693412.stm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title = Gujarat riot probe panel moves against 41 cops |work=The Indian Express |location=India |date=9 February 2006 | url = http://www.indianexpress.com/archive/StoryO-87579-Gujarat-riot-probe-panel-moves-against-41-cops.html| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}} {{dead link|date=July 2011}}</ref>
[[Human Rights Watch]] alleged<ref name="hrw_bg_gujarat">{{cite web|url=http://hrw.org/backgrounder/asia/india/gujarat |title=Discouraging Dissent: Intimidation and Harassment of Witnesses, Human Rights Activists, and Lawyers Pursuing Accountability for the 2002 Communal Violence in Gujarat(Human Rights Watch, September 2004) |publisher=Hrw.org |date= |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref> that state and law enforcement officials were harassing and intimidating<ref name="hrw_continued_harass">{{cite web|url=http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2004/09/23/india9383.htm |title=India: After Gujarat Riots, Witnesses Face Intimidation (Human Rights Watch, 23 September 2004) |publisher=Hrw.org |date=2004-09-25 |accessdate=2013-06-20}}</ref> key witnesses, NGOs, social activists and lawyers who were fighting to seek justice for riot victims. In its 2003 annual report, Amnesty International stated, "the same police force that was accused of colluding with the attackers was put in charge of the investigations into the massacres, undermining the process of delivery of justice to the victims."<ref name="AI-2003" />
The [[Best Bakery case|Best Bakery murder trial]] received wide attention after witnesses retracted testimony in court and all of the accused were acquitted. The [[Supreme Court of India|Indian Supreme Court]], acting on a petition by social activist [[Teesta Setalvad]], ordered a retrial outside Gujarat in which nine accused were found guilty in 2006.<ref>Dionne Bunsha, [http://wayback.archive.org/web/20071010045828/http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2304/stories/20060310005611700.htm Verdict in Best Bakery case], ''Frontline'', Volume 23 – Issue 04, 25 February – 10 March 2006</ref> A key witness, [[Zaheera Sheikh]], who repeatedly changed her testimony during the trials and the petition was found guilty of [[perjury]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.rediff.com/news/2003/jul/08spec.htm |title=Why did Zaheera Sheikh have to lie? |publisher=Rediff.com |date= |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref>
After a local court dismissed the case against her assailants, Bilkis Bano approached the National Human Rights Commission and petitioned the Supreme Court seeking a retrial. The Supreme Court granted the motion, directing the [[Central Bureau of Investigation]] to take over the investigation. CBI appointed a team of experts from CFSL Delhi and AIIMS under the guidance and leadership of Professor [[Tirath Das Dogra|T. D. Dogra]] of AIIMS to exhume the mass graves to established the identity and cause of death of victims. The team successfully located and exhumed the remains of victims.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-meticulous-seven-and-a-sevenday-hunt-for-proof/264049|title=The meticulous seven, and a seven-day hunt for proof-Amitabh Sinha|date= New Delhi, 21 January, Mon 21 Jan 2008, 23:59 hrs|work=The Indian Express|accessdate=2013-02-10}}</ref> The trial of the case was transferred out of Gujarat and directing the central government to appoint the public prosecutor.<ref name="Deccan-Herald-Aug-9-04" >{{cite news | title = A hopeful Bilkis goes public |work=Deccan Herald |location=India |date=9 August 2004 | url = http://wayback.archive.org/web/20080323094551/http://www.deccanherald.com/archives/aug092004/n14.asp| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref name="Telegraph-Aug-7-04">{{cite news | title = Second riot case shift | work = The Telegraph |date=7 August 2004 | url = http://www.telegraphindia.com/1040807/asp/frontpage/story_3595362.asp| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> Charges were filed in a Mumbai court against nineteen people as well as six police officials and a government doctor over their role in the initial investigations.<ref name="Hindu-Jan-14-05">{{cite news | title = Charges framed in Bilkis case |work=The Hindu |date=14 January 2005 | url = http://www.hindu.com/2005/01/14/stories/2005011403701300.htm | location=Chennai, India| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> In January 2008, eleven men were sentenced to life imprisonment for the rape and murders and a policeman was convicted of falsifying evidence.<ref>{{cite news | title = Rape victim Bilkis Bano hails victory for Muslims as Hindu assailants are jailed for life | author = Jeremy Page |work=The Times |location=London | date = 23 January 2008 | url = http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article3234530.ece | accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
In 2005, the Vadodara fast-track court acquitted 108 people accused of murdering two youths, during a mob attack on a group of displaced Muslims returning under police escort to their homes in Avdhootnagar. The court passed strictures against the police for failing to protect the people under their escort<ref>{{cite news | title = All accused in riot case acquitted |work=The Hindu |location=India |date=26 October 2005 | url = http://www.hinduonnet.com/2005/10/26/stories/2005102605681400.htm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> and failing to identify the attackers they had witnessed.<ref>{{cite news | title = Over 100 accused in post-Godhra riots acquitted | publisher = Rediff News |date=25 October 2005 | url = http://in.rediff.com/news/2005/oct/25godhra.htm | accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
Nine people were convicted of killing a Hindu man and injuring another during group clashes in Danilimda, Ahmedabad on 12 April, while 25 others were acquitted.<ref>{{cite news | title = Sentencing in Gujarat Hindu death | author = Rajeev Khanna |publisher=BBC News |date=28 March 2006 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4854760.stm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
Eight people, including a VHP leader and a member of the BJP, were convicted for the murder of seven members of a family and the rape of two minor girls in the village of Eral in Panchmahal district.<ref>{{cite news | title = Hindus jailed over Gujarat riots |publisher=BBC News |date=30 October 2007 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7069809.stm | accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title = Godhra court convicts 11 in Eral massacre case; 29 acquitted | author = PTI | publisher = Yahoo! India News|date=30 October 2007| url = http://in.news.yahoo.com/071030/20/6ml7b.html| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}{{dead link|date=July 2013}}</ref>
52 people from Pavagadh and Dhikva villages in Panchmahal district were acquitted of rioting charges for lack of evidence.<ref>{{cite news | title = 52 acquitted in post-Godhra case | publisher = Rediff News |date=22 April 2006 | url = http://www.rediff.com/news/2006/apr/22godhra.htm | accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
A stringent anti-terror law, the [[POTA]], was used by the Gujarat government to charge 131 people in connection to the Godhra train fire, but not invoked in prosecuting any of the accused in the post-Godhra riots.<ref>{{Cite book | contribution = Hindu Nationalists and federal structures in an era of regionalism | author = Katharine Adeney | title = Coalition Politics And Hindu Nationalism | editors = Katharine Adeney, Lawrence Sáez (Eds.) | publisher = Routledge | year = 2005 | isbn = 978-0-415-35981-8 | page = 114 | postscript = }}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title = A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand | author = Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Shankar Raghuraman | publisher = Sage Publications | year = 2004 | isbn = 978-0-7619-3237-6 | page = 123 }}</ref> In 2005 the POTA Review Committee set up by the central government to review the application of the law opined that the Godhra accused should not be tried under the provisions of POTA.<ref>{{cite news | title = Pota Review Committee Gives Opinion on Godhra Case To POTA Court | publisher = Indlaw|date=21 June 2005 | url = http://www.indlawnews.com/0b4b3d8601312009fa9754c2386220f9|archiveurl = http://web.archive.org/web/20060526033930/http://www.indlawnews.com/0b4b3d8601312009fa9754c2386220f9 |archivedate = 26 May 2006|deadurl=yes}}</ref>
In February 2011 a special fast track court convicted 31 Muslims for the Godhra train burning incident and the conspiracy for the crime<ref name=Hindu1>{{cite news|title=It was not a random attack on S-6 but kar sevaks were targeted, says judge|url=http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article1513008.ece|accessdate=11 July 2013|newspaper=[[The Hindu]]|date=6 March 2011}}</ref>
On 9 November 2011, a court in [[Ahmedabad]] sentenced 31 Hindus to life imprisonment for murdering dozens of Muslims, by burning a building in which they took shelter.<ref name="Srivastava"/> 41 other Hindus were acquitted of murder charges due to lack of evidence.<ref name="Srivastava">[http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia-pacific/indian-court-finds-31-hindus-guilty-of-killing-dozens-of-muslims-in-rioting-9-years-ago/2011/11/09/gIQA5HPL4M_story.html ]{{dead link|date=July 2013}}</ref> 22 additional people were convicted for attempted murder on 30 July 2012, while 61 others were acquitted.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-19044830 |title=India convictions over Gujarat Dipda Darwaza killings |date=30 July 2012 |publisher=BBC News |accessdate=31 July 2012}}</ref>
On 29 July 2012, an Indian court gave the verdict in the [[Naroda Patiya massacre]] case and convicted 32 people, including former state minister [[Maya Kodnani]] and Hindu leader [[Babu Bajrangi]] of involvement in the attacks. The court case began in 2009, and over 300 people (including victims, witnesses, doctors, and journalists) had testified before the court. For the first time, the verdict acknowledged the role of a politician in inciting Hindu mobs. Activists say that the verdict will embolden the opponent of Narendra Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat, in the crucial run-up to state elections later this year, when Modi will seek a third term. Modi refused to apologise and denied that the government had a role in the riots. Twenty-nine people were acquitted during the verdict. Teesta Setalvad, a human rights campaigner, said, "For the first time, this judgment actually goes beyond neighborhood perpetrators and goes up to the political conspiracy. The fact that convictions have gone that high means the conspiracy charge has been accepted and the political influencing of the mobs has been accepted by the judge. This is a huge victory for justice."<ref name="WashPo verdict">{{cite news | url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/indian-court-convicts-former-government-minister-in-deadly-2002-riots/2012/08/29/3745a438-f1b3-11e1-b74c-84ed55e0300b_story.html | title=Indian court convicts former state minister in deadly 2002 anti-Muslim riots | work=The Washington Post | author=Lakshmi, Rama | date=29 August 2012 | accessdate=29 August 2012}}</ref>
In April 2009, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) setup by the [[Supreme Court of India]] to investigate and expedite the Gujarat riot cases submitted before the Court that [[Teesta Setalvad]] had cooked up cases of violence to spice up the incidents. The SIT which is headed by former CBI director, R. K. Raghavan has said that false witnesses were tutored to give evidence about imaginary incidents by Setalvad and other NGOs.<ref name=toi>{{cite web|author=Dhananjay Mahapatra, TNN 14 April 2009, 12.13pm IST |url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009-04-14/india/28031729_1_riot-cases-r-k-raghavan-riot-victims |title=NGOs, Teesta spiced up Gujarat riot incidents: SIT |publisher=Timesofindia.indiatimes.com |date=2009-04-14 |accessdate=2013-06-20}}</ref> The SIT charged her of "cooking up macabre tales of killings".<ref name=economictimes>Setalvad in dock for 'cooking up killings' [http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Setalvad-in-dock-for-cooking-up-killings/articleshow/4397849.cms "Setalvad in dock for 'cooking up killings'"]. ''Economic Times'', Retrieved 2009-05-11. [http://www.webcitation.org/5glwxxEme Archived] 14 May 2009.</ref><ref>{{cite web|title= Gujarat riot myths busted|url=http://www.dailypioneer.com/169490/Gujarat-riot-myths-busted.html|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/5glwxafqF|archivedate=14 May 2009|deadurl=no|accessdate=11 May 2009}}</ref>
The court was told that 22 witnesses, who had submitted identical affidavits before various courts relating to riot incidents, were questioned by SIT and it was found that the witnesses had not actually witnessed the incidents and they were tutored and the affidavits were handed over to them by Setalvad.<ref name=economictimes/>
The report which was brought to the notice of the bench, consisting of Justices [[Arijit Pasayat]], P Sathasivam and Aftab Alam, noted that the much publicised case of a pregnant Muslim woman Kausar Banu being gangraped by a mob and foetus being removed from sharp weapons, was also cooked up and false.<ref name=toi/><ref name="inhuman">{{cite web|url=http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/89840/Inhuman%20rights.html?complete=1 |title=Inhuman rights : STATES - India Today |publisher=Indiatoday.intoday.in |date=2010-03-25 |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref>
Many of the investigations and prosecutions of those accused of violence during the riots have been opened for re-investigation and prosecution.<ref name=BBC1 /><ref name=BBC2 />
==Inquiries==
There were more than 60 investigations by national and international bodies many of which having investigated the incident, concluded there was support from state officials in the violence.<ref name="Evans 2011"/> The report from the [[National Human Rights Commission of India]](NHRC) concluded that the attacks had been premeditated, that state government officials were complicit and that there was evidence of police not acting during the assaults on Muslims. The report also made mention of the BJP and Modi in "Promoting the attitudes of [[Racism|racial supremacy]], [[Bigotry|racial hatred]] and the legacy of [[Nazi]]sm through his governments support of school textbooks in which Nazism is glorified". The US state department also found "that Modi revised high school textbooks to describe Hitler's 'charismatic personality' and the 'achievements of Nazism'.<ref name="Nussbaum 2009 pp.50-51"/><ref group=Note>The 2003 International Report by the US State Department can be found here.[http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2003/24470.htm] It states "The Gujarat State Higher Secondary Board, to which nearly 98 percent of schools in Gujarat belong, requires the use of certain textbooks in which Nazism is condoned. In the Standard 10 social studies textbook, the "charismatic personality" of "Hitler the Supremo" and the "achievements of Nazism" are described at length. The textbook does not acknowledge Nazi extermination policies or concentration camps except for a passing reference to "a policy of opposition towards the Jewish people and [advocacy for] the supremacy of the German race." The Standard 9 social studies textbook implies that Muslims, Christians, Parsees, and Jews are "foreigners." In 2002 the Gujarat State Higher Secondary Board administered an exam, while the riots were ongoing, in which students of English were asked to form one sentence out of the following: "There are two solutions. One of them is the Nazi solution. If you don't like people, kill them, segregate them. Then strut up and down. Proclaim that you are the salt of the earth."</ref> The NHRC also stated that [[Res ipsa loquitur]] applied as the state had comprehensively failed to protect and had not upheld the rights of the people as set out in the [[Constitution of India]].<ref name="Engineer 2003 p262"/>
The CCT report which was headed up by [[Krishna Iyer]], a retired justice of the Supreme Court released its findings in 2003 and stated that contrary to the government allegation of a conspiracy in Godhra, this incident had not been pre-planned and there were no evidence to indicate otherwise. On the statewide riots the CCT reported that several days before the Godhra incident, the excuse used for the attacks, homes belonging to Hindus which were in Muslim areas and been marked with pictures of Hindu deities or saffron flags, this had been done to prevent any accidental assaults on Hindu homes or businesses. The CCT investigation also discovered evidence that the VHP and the Bajrang Dal had training camps in which people were thought to view Muslims as an enemy. These camps were backed and supported by the BJP and RSS. They also reported that "The complicity of the state government is obvious. And, the support of the central government to the state government in all that it did is also by now a matter of common knowledge."<ref name="PUCL 2006"/>
The state government commissioned J G. Shah to conduct, what became, a controversial one man inquiry into the Godhra incident, its credibility was questioned and the NHRC and the National minorities commission requested that a sitting judge from the supreme court be appointed. The supreme court overturned the findings by Shah stating, "this judgement is not based on the understanding on any evidence, but on imagination".<ref name="Guha 2002 p437"/>
Early in 2003 the state government of Gujarat set up the Shah-Nanavati commission to investigate the entire incident, from the initial one at Godhra to the ensuing violence. The commission has been caught up in controversy from the beginning, activists and members of the opposition insisted on a judicial commission be set up and headed by a sitting judge rather than a retired one from the high court, the state refused. Within a few months Nanavati, before hearing any testimony declared there was no evidence of lapses by either the police or government in their handling of the violence.<ref name="Oommen 2008 p73"/> In 2008 Shah died and was replaced by Justice Akshay Mehta, a retired high court judge.<ref name="Economic Times 2012"/> Metha's appointment was controversial as he was the judge who allowed Babu Bajrangi to be bailed, Bajrangi is a leader of Bajrang Dal and is a prime suspect in the massacre at Naroda Patiya.<ref name="Tehelka Magazine 2008"/><ref name="Akshay Mehta 2008"/> In July 2013 the commission was given its 20th extension, and Mukul Sinha of the civil rights group ''Jan Sangahrsh Manch'' said of the delays "I think commission has lost its significance and it now seems to be awaiting the outcome of the 2014 Lok Sabha election,"<ref name="Soni 2013"/> In 2007 Tehelka in an undercover operation had said that the Shah-Nanavati commission had relied on "manufactured evidence" Tehelka editor Tarun Tajpal has claimed that they had taped witnesses who stated they had given false testimony after they had been bribed by the Gujarati police force. Tehelka also recorded Ranjitsinh Patel were he stated that he and Prabhatsinh Patel had been paid 50,000 rupees apiece to amend earlier statements and to identify as conspirators some Muslims.<ref name="India Today 2008"/> According to [[B G Verghese]] the Tehelka expose was far to detailed to have been a fake as some had claimed.<ref name="Verghese 2010"/>
A fact finding mission by the [[SAHMAT#Legacy|Sahmat]] organisation and headed up by Dr. Kamal Mitra Chenoy concluded that from the evidence the violence was more akin to ethnic cleansing or a pogrom rather than an instance of communal violence as they would be usually defined. The report said that the violence surpassed other periods of communal violence such as in [[1969 Gujarat riots|1969]], [[1985 Gujarat riots|1985]], [[1989 Bhagalpur violence|1989]], and [[Bombay Riots|1992]] not only in the amount of lives lost, but in the savagery of the attacks.<ref name="Sen March 2002"/><ref name="Chenoy 2002"/>
==Aftermath==
There was widespread destruction of property. 527 places of worship such as, [[Mosque|masjids]], Temples, cemeteries, [[dargah]]s and [[Madrassa|schools]] had been either destroyed or damaged.<ref name="Jaffrelot 2011 p389"/> It is estimated that Muslim property losses were, "100,000 houses, 1,100 hotels, 15,000 businesses, 3,000 handcarts and 5,000 vehicles destroyed."<ref name="Davies 2005"/> In total 27,780 persons were arrested, either for rioting or as a preventative measure. For criminal behaviour 11,167 of which 3,269 were Muslim and 7,896 Hindu. Preventative arrests were 16,615 of which 2,811 were Muslim and 13,804 being Hindu. It was reported by the Concerned Citizens Tribunal that 90 percent of those arrested were almost immediately granted bail, even if they had been arrested on suspicion of murder or arson. There were also media reports that political leaders gave those being released public welcomes as they were given bail. This contradicts what the state government had been saying during the violence, that "Bail applications of all accused persons are being strongly defended and rejected".<ref name="Engineer 2003"/>
According to R.B.Sreekumar police officers who had followed the rule of law and helped prevent the riots from spreading were punished by the Modi government. They were subjected to disciplinary proceedings and transfers with some having to leave the state.<ref name="Sreekumar 2012"/> Sreekumar also claims that intimidation of whistleblowers and the subversion of the justice system are common practice.<ref name="Khetan 2011"/> Sreekumar also alleged that the state government issued "unconstitutional directives", with officials asking him to kill Muslims involved in rioting or disrupting a Hindu religious event. The Gujarat government denied the allegations, calling them "baseless" and instigated out of malice because Mr. Sreekumar was not promoted.<ref name="BBCUK">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4445107.stm |title=BBC UK Website |publisher=BBC News |date=2005-04-14 |accessdate=2013-06-20}}</ref>
Following the violence [[Bal Thackeray]] then leader of the [[Hindu nationalism|nationalist]] group [[Shiv Sena]] said "Muslims are a cancer to this country ... Cancer is an incurable disease. Its only cure is operation. O Hindus take weapons in your hands and remove this cancer from your roots".<ref name="Haynes 2012 b"/> [[Pravin Togadia]] general secretary of the [[Vishva Hindu Parishad]](VHP) said "All [[Hindutva]] opponents will get the death sentence" and [[Ashok Singhal]] then president of the VHP has said that the violence in Gujarat was a "successful experiment" which would be repeated nationwide.<ref name="Haynes 2012 b"/>
The militant group [[Indian Mujahideen]] have carried out attacks in revenge and to also act as a deterrent against further instances of mass violence against Muslims.<ref name="Freedman 2012"/> They also claimed to have carried out the [[13 September 2008 Delhi bombings|2008 Delhi bombings]] in revenge for mistreatment of Muslims, they referenced the destruction of the [[Babri Mosque]] and the violence in Gujarat 2002.<ref name="Basset 2012"/> In September 2002 there was an attack on the Hindu temple of [[Akshardham Temple attack|Akshardham]], the gunmen carried letters on their persons which suggested that it was a revenge attack for the violence that the Muslims had gone through.<ref name="Duffy Toft 2012"/> In August 2002 Shahid Ahmad Bakshi, an operative for the militant group [[Lashkar-e-Toiba]] in an act of revenge over the violence planned to assassinate Modi, [[Pravin Togadia]] of the VHP and other members of the right wing nationalist movement.<ref name="Swami 2005 p69" />
In 2005 Modi was invited to the US to speak before the Asian-Americans hotel owners association. A petition was set up and signed by academics requesting that Modi be refused a diplomatic visa, Hindu groups in the US also protested and planned to demonstrate in cities in Florida. A resolution was submitted by [[John Conyers]] and [[Joseph R. Pitts]] in the [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] which condemned Modi for inciting religious persecution. Pitts also wrote to then [[Secretary of State]] [[Condoleezza Rice]] requesting Modi be refused a visa. On 19 March Modi was denied a diplomatic visa and his tourist visa was revoked<ref name="Nussbaum 2008"/>
Human rights watch has accused the state of orchestrating a cover up over their role in the violence. Human rights activists and Indian solicitors have urged that legislation be passed so that "communal violence is treated as genocide".<ref name="Kiernan 2008"/> Following the violence thousands of Muslims were fired from their places of work, and those who tried to return home had to endure an economic and social boycott.<ref name="Rauf 2011"/>
On 3 May, former Punjab police chief [[Kanwar Pal Singh Gill|K P S Gill]] was appointed as security adviser to the Chief Minister.<ref name="News Service 2002">{{cite news|last=News Service|first=Tribune|title=Gill is Modi's Security Adviser|url=http://www.tribuneindia.com/2002/20020503/main4.htm|newspaper=Tribune India|date=2 May 2002}}</ref> Defending the Modi administration in the Rajya Sabha against charges of genocide, BJP spokesman V K Malhotra said that the official toll of 254 Hindus, killed mostly by police fire, indicates how the state authorities took effective steps to curb the violence.<ref name="Press Trust of India 2005">{{cite news|last=of India|first=Press Trust|title=BJP cites govt statistics to defend Modi|url=http://expressindia.indianexpress.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=46626|newspaper=Express India|date=12 May 2005}}</ref>
Opposition parties as well as three coalition partners of the BJP-led central government demanded the dismissal of Gujarat Chief Minister [[Narendra Modi]] for failing to contain the violence, with some calling for the removal of Union Home Minister [[L. K. Advani]] as well.<ref name="Special Correspondent 2002">{{cite news|last=Correspondent|first=Special|title=Removal of Advani, Modi sought|url=http://www.hindu.com/2002/03/07/stories/2002030702791300.htm|newspaper=The Hindu|date=7 March 2002}}</ref>
On 18 July, Chief Minister Narendra Modi asked the [[Governor of Gujarat]] to dissolve the state assembly and call fresh elections.<ref>{{cite news | title = Gujarat chief minister resigns |publisher=BBC News |date=19 July 2002 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/2139008.stm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> The Indian Election Commission ruled out early elections, citing the prevailing law and order situation, a decision the union government unsuccessfully<ref>{{cite news | title = 2 Indian Elections Bring Vote Panel's Chief to Fore | author = Amy Waldman |work=The New York Times |date=7 September 2002 | url = http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C00EFD7133EF934A3575AC0A9649C8B63| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> appealed against in the Supreme Court.<ref>{{cite news | title = India's electoral process in question
| author = Mark Tully | publisher = CNN |date=27 August 2002 | url = http://edition.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/south/08/27/tully.india/index.html?related| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
Elections were held in December, and Modi was returned to power in a landslide victory.<ref>{{cite news | title = Gujarat victory heartens nationalists |publisher=BBC News |date=15 December| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/2576855.stm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
In 2004, the weekly newspaper ''[[Tehelka]]'' published a hidden camera exposé alleging that BJP legislator Madhu Srivastava bribed Zaheera Sheikh, a witness in the Best Bakery killings trial.<ref>{{cite news | title = I Paid Zaheera Sheikh Rs 18 Lakh | work = Tehelka |date=6 December 2007 | url = http://www.tehelka.com/story_main10.asp?filename=ts010105press.asp|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/5h95z5mFL|archivedate=29 May 2009|deadurl=no|accessdate=27 May 2009}}</ref> Srivatsava denied the allegation,<ref>{{cite news | title = Politician denies bribing witness |publisher=BBC News |date=22 December 2004 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4117875.stm| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> and an inquiry committee appointed by the Indian Supreme Court drew an "adverse inference" from the video footage, though it failed to uncover evidence that money was actually paid.<ref>{{cite news | title = Zahira sting: MLA gets clean chit |work=The Times of India |date=4 January 2006 | url = http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2006-01-04/india/27802438_1_sting-operation-clean-chit-zahira-sheikh | accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> In a [[The Truth: Gujarat 2002 - Tehelka report|2007 expose]], the newspaper released hidden camera footage of several members of the BJP, VHP and the Bajrang Dal admitting their role in the riots.<ref>{{cite web | title = Gujarat 2002: The Truth in the words of the men who did it | work = Tehelka |date=3 November 2007 | url = http://www.tehelka.com/story_main35.asp?filename=Ne031107gujrat_sec.asp| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref name="express-oct-26">{{cite news | title = Sting traps footsoldiers of Gujarat riots allegedly boasting about killings with state support |work=The Indian Express |location=India |date=26 October 2007 | url = http://www.indianexpress.com/story/232545.html| archiveurl = http://www.webcitation.org/5h97FrUsa | archivedate = 29 May 2009| deadurl=no}}</ref> Among those featured in the tapes was the special counsel representing the Gujarat government before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, Arvind Pandya, who resigned from his post after they were made public.<ref>{{cite news | title = Gujarat Govt counsel quits |work=The Indian Express |location=India |date=28 October 2007 | url = http://www.indianexpress.com/story/233175.html | accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> While the report was criticised by some as being politically motivated,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/holnus/001200710271941.htm |title=The Hindu News Update Service |publisher=Hinduonnet.com |date=2007-10-27 |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref><ref>http://www.deccanherald.com/Content/Oct272007/national2007102732570.asp{{dead link|date=July 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20071112&fname=Cover+Story+(F)&sid=6 |title=A Sting Without Venom | Chandan Mitra |publisher=Outlookindia.com |date=2007-11-12 |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/8454 |title=Godhra Carnage Vs. Pundits Exodus |publisher=Asian Tribune |date= |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref> some newspapers said the revelations simply reinforced what was common knowledge.<ref name="express-oct-26" /><ref>{{cite news | title = Polls don't tell whole story |work=The Times of India |date=October 2007 | url = http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2007-10-30/edit-page/27965541_1_gujarat-assembly-tehelka-tapes-narendra-modi | first1=Kingshuk | last1=Nag| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title = Ghosts don't lie |work=The Indian Express |location=India |date=27 October 2007 | url = http://www.indianexpress.com/story/232757.html| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title = Everything, but the news |work=Hindustan Times |location=India | author = Chitra Padmanabhan |date=14 November 2007 | url = http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=9ba3c46a-72dd-4b2a-9a04-6fa9c299b32a&MatchID1=4604&TeamID1=6&TeamID2=7&MatchType1=1&SeriesID1=1157&MatchID2=4575&TeamID3=8&TeamID4=2&MatchType2=1&SeriesID2=1147&PrimaryID=4604&Headline=Everything%2c+but+the+news| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> However there were several inaccuracies in the statements that diluted the impact of the sting operation. Babu Bajrani and Suresh Richard in the statements said that Narendra Modi visited Naroda Patiya one day after the massacre to thank them. However official record shows that Naredra Modi didn't visit Naroda Patiya. VHP activist, Ramesh Dave told Tehelka reporter that S.K.Gadhvi, one of the divisional superintendents of Police killed five Muslims in Dariapur area as promised to him. But the official records show that Gadhvi was only posted in Dariapur one month after the riots. During his tenure no such incident took place in Dariapur.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/Gujarat:+The+noose+tightens/1/1716.html |title=Gujarat: The noose tightens : STATES – India Today |work=India Today |date=1 November 2007 |accessdate=2013-03-07}}</ref> The Gujarat government blocked telecast of cable news channels broadcasting the expose, a move strongly condemned by the Editors Guild of India.<ref>{{cite news | title = Editors Guild condemns Gujarat action |work=The Hindu |date=30 October 2007 | url = http://www.hindu.com/2007/10/30/stories/2007103055681200.htm | location=Chennai, India| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
Taking a stand decried by the media and other rights groups, Nafisa Hussain, a member of the National Commission for Women accused organisations and the media of needlessly exaggerating the plight of women victims of the riots.<ref name="Women's groups decry NCW stand">{{cite web |url=http://www.fisiusa.org/fisi_News_items/Godhra/godhra093.htm |title=Women's groups decry NCW stand |deadurl=yes |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20090122085938/http://www.fisiusa.org/fisi_News_items/Godhra/godhra093.htm |archivedate=2009-01-22 |accessdate=24 June 2013}}</ref><ref>http://web.archive.org/web/20031010064334/http://www.tehelka.com/channels/currentaffairs/2002/apr/22/ca042202rinku.htm</ref><ref>http://www.infochangeindia.org/archives1.jsp?secno=1&monthname=June&year=2002&detail=T{{dead link|date=July 2011}}</ref> which was strongly disputed as Gujarat did not have a State Commission for Women to act on the ground.<ref name="Women's groups decry NCW stand"/> The newspaper ''Tribune'' reported that "The National Commission for Women has reluctantly agreed to the complicity of Gujarat Government in the communal violence in the state." The tone of their most recent report was reported by the ''Tribune'' as "lenient".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.tribuneindia.com/2002/20020426/main5.htm |title=NCM rejects Gujarat report:Directs state to follow its recommendations |publisher=Fisiusa.org |deadurl=no |accessdate=2013-06-24}}</ref>
In April 2012, a Special Investigation Team found absolved Modi of any involvement in the Gulberg massacre, arguably the worst episode of the riots.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.dailypioneer.com/home/online-channel/top-story/56643-its-official-modi-gets-clean-chit-in-gulberg-massacre.html |title=The Pioneer |publisher=Dailypioneer.com |date=1970-01-01 |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref>
In his report, Raju Ramachandran, the [[amicus curiae]] for the case, strongly disagreed with a key conclusion of the R. K. Raghavan-led SIT: that IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt was not present at a late-night meeting of top Gujarat cops held at the Chief Minister's residence in the wake of the 27 February 2002 Godhra carnage.
It has been Bhatt's claim — made in an affidavit before the apex court and in statements to the SIT and the amicus — that he was present at the meeting where Modi allegedly said Hindus must be allowed to carry out retaliatory violence against Muslims. Ramachandran was of the opinion that Modi could be prosecuted for alleged statements he had made. He said there was no clinching material available in the pre-trial stage to disbelieve Bhatt, whose claim could be tested only in court. "Hence, it cannot be said, at this stage, that Shri Bhatt should be disbelieved and no further proceedings should be taken against Shri Modi."<ref name="the hindu">{{cite web |url=http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article3393808.ece|title=Proceed against Modi for Gujarat riots: amicus|work=The Hindu|date=7 May 2012|accessdate=5 September 2012}}</ref><ref name="the hindu2">{{cite web |url=http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article3398456.ece|title=No evidence of Modi promoting enmity: SIT|work=The Hindu|date=9 May 2012|accessdate=5 September 2012}}
</ref>
Further, R. K. Shah the public prosecutor in the Gulbarg Society massacre resigned as the public prosecutor because he found it impossible to work with the SIT and further stated that "Here I am collecting witnesses who know something about a gruesome case in which so many people, mostly women and children huddled in Jafri's house, were killed and I get no cooperation. The SIT officers are unsympathetic towards witnesses, they try to browbeat them and don't share evidence with the prosecution as they are supposed to do."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?264745 |publisher=Outlook India|date=29 March 2010 |title=Nero Hour |deadurl=no |accessdate=5 May 5013}}</ref>
==Relief efforts==
Amnesty International's annual report on India in 2003 claimed the "Gujarat government did not actively fulfill its duty to provide appropriate relief and rehabilitation to the survivors".<ref name="AI-2003">{{cite web|url=http://wayback.archive.org/web/20030704200816/http://web.amnesty.org/report2003/ind-summary-eng |title=Amnesty International | Working to Protect Human Rights |publisher=Web.amnesty.org |date= |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref>
The state government initially offered compensation payments of 200,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the Godhra train fire and 100,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the subsequent riots, which local Muslims described as discriminatory.<ref name="Dugger child">Dugger, Celia W. (Ahmedabad Journal) "In India, a Child's Life Is Cheap Indeed". ''[[New York Times]]''. 7 March 2002</ref> Subsequently, the government set the compensation amount at 150,000 rupees.<ref>http://news.indiainfo.com/2005/05/11/1105godhra-rs.html{{dead link|date=July 2011}}</ref>
By 27 March, nearly 100,000 displaced people moved into 101 relief camps. This swelled to over 150,000 in 104 camps the next two weeks.<ref name="Brass-2005">{{cite book | title = The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India | author = Paul R. Brass | publisher = University of Washington Press | year = 2005 | isbn = 978-0-295-98506-0 | pages = 385–393}}</ref> The camps were run by community groups and NGOs, with the government committing to provide amenities and supplementary services. Drinking water, medical help, clothing and blankets were in short supply at the camps.<ref name="timesoI_nostatehelp">{{cite news | title = Rains, epidemic threaten relief camps | work = The Times of India |date=2 July 2002 | author = Ruchir Chandorkar | url = http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2002-07-02/ahmedabad/27313985_1_relief-camps-medicines-rains| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> At least another 100 camps were denied government support, according to a camp organiser.<ref>{{cite news | title = Camp Comatose | author = Priyanka Kakodkar |date=15 April 2002 | work = Outlook | url = http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20020415&fname=Cover+Stories&sid=4| accessdate=4 February 2011 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref> and relief supplies were prevented from reaching the camps over fears that they may be carrying arms.<ref name="bbc_gujaratviolence">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1881497.stm |title=NGO says Gujarat riots were planned |publisher=BBC News |date=2002-03-19 |accessdate=2013-06-20}}</ref>
Relief camp organisers alleged that the state government was coercing refugees to leave relief camps, with 25,000 people made to leave eighteen camps that were shut down. Following government assurances that camps would not be shut down, the Gujarat High Court bench ordered that camp organizers be given a supervisory role to ensure that the assurances were met.<ref>{{cite news | title = Govt not to close relief camps |work=The Times of India |date=27 June 2002 | url = http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2002-06-27/ahmedabad/27290804_1_relief-camps-camp-organisers-violence-victims | accessdate=2013-06-27 <!--DASHBot-->}}</ref>
On 23 May 2008, the [[Government of India|Union Government]] announced a 3.20 billion rupee (US $80 million) relief package for the victims of the riots.<ref>{{cite news |authorlink= bbc.co.uk |title= Relief for Gujarat riot victims|url= http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7416073.stm|publisher=BBC News |date= 23 May 2008 |accessdate=11 September 2008 }}</ref>
==Popular culture==
===Novels===
* ''[[The 3 Mistakes of My Life]]'' written by [[Chetan Bhagat]] has backdrop of riots in 2002.
===Films===
* ''[[Final Solution (2003 film)|Final Solution]]'' is a 2003 documentary directed by [[Rakesh Sharma (filmmaker)|Rakesh Sharma]] about the 2002 Gujarat violence. The film was denied entry to [[Mumbai International Film Festival]] in 2004 due to objections by [[Censor Board of India]], but won two awards at the 54th Berlin International Film Festival 2004. The ban was later lifted in October 2004.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.hindu.com/2004/02/17/stories/2004021701112200.htm |title=A miss at MIFF, accolades at Berlinale |publisher=The Hindu |date=2004-02-17 |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref><ref name="fss">{{cite news | url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2004-02-17/news-interviews/28324546_1_wolfgang-staudte-award-bags-two-awards-indian-film | title=Mumbai reject finally shines in Berlin | work=[[The Times of India]] | date=17 February 2004 | agency=PTI | accessdate=27 March 2013}}</ref>
*[[T. V. Chandran]] made a trilogy of [[Malayalam]] films based on the aftermaths of Gujarat riots. The trilogy consists of ''[[Kathavasheshan]]'' (2004), ''[[Vilapangalkkappuram]]'' (2008) and ''[[Bhoomiyude Avakashikal]]'' (2012). The narrative of all these films begin on the same day, 28 February 2002, that is, on the day after the Godhra train burning.<ref name="thhh">{{cite news |url=http://www.thehindu.com/arts/cinema/all-things-bright-and-beautiful/article3965306.ece | title=All things bright and beautiful ... |date=4 October 2012 |accessdate=28 October 2012 |author=C. S. Venkiteswaran |newspaper=[[The Hindu]]}}</ref>
* 2007 film ''[[Parzania]]'' was inspired by the true story of a ten-year-old Parsi boy, Azhar Mody, essayed in the film as Parzaan Pithawala in the film, who disappeared after the [[Gulbarg Society massacre]]. The film traces the journey of the Pithawala family while trying to locate their missing son.
* ''[[Firaaq]]'' was a 2008 political thriller film set one month after the violence and looks at the aftermath in its effects on the lives of everyday people.
* 2011 film ''[[Mausam (2011 film)|Mausam]]'' had end amidst riots in [[Ahmedabad]].
* 2013 film ''[[Kai Po Che]]'' had the backdrop of 2002 Gujarat violence in end. The film was based on the novel ''[[The 3 Mistakes of My Life]]'' written by [[Chetan Bhagat]].
==See also==
* [[Dabgarwad Massacre]]
* [[Religious violence in India]]
==References==
;'''Notes'''
{{reflist|group=Note}}
;'''Citations'''
{{Reflist| colwidth = 30em
| refs =
<ref name="Ghassem-Fachand 2012">
{{cite book|last=Ghassem-Fachand|first=Parvis|title=Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India|url=http://press.princeton.edu/chapters/i9755.pdf|year=2012|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0-691-15177-9|pages=1–2}}
</ref>
<ref name="Escherle 2013">
{{cite book|last=Escherle|first=Nora Anna|title=Haunted Narratives: Life Writing in an Age of Trauma|year=2013|publisher=University of Toronto Press|isbn=978-1-4426-4601-8|page=205|edition=3rd Revised|editor=Gabriele Rippl, Philipp Schweighauser, Tiina Kirss, Margit Sutrop, Therese Steffen}}
</ref>
<ref name="Hakeem 2012">
{{cite book|last=Hakeem|first=Farrukh B.|title=Policing Muslim Communities: Comparative and International Context|year=2012|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-1-4614-3551-8|page=81|coauthors=Maria R. Haberfeld, Arvind Verma}}
</ref>
<ref name="Brass 2005">
{{cite book|last=Brass|first=Paul R.|title=The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India|year=2005|publisher=University of Washington Press|isbn=978-0-295-98506-0|page=388|date=15|month=July}}
</ref>
<ref name="Baldwin 2002">
{{cite book|last=Kabir|first=Ananya Jahanara|title=Feminism, Literature and Rape Narratives: Violence and Violation|year=2010|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-80608-4|editor=Sorcha Gunne, Zoe Brigley Thompson}}
</ref>
<ref name="Official death toll">
{{cite news|last=Corporation|first=British Broadcasting|title=Gujarat riot death toll revealed|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/4536199.stm|newspaper=BBC|date=11 May 2005}
}</ref>
<ref name="Embree 2012">
{{cite book|last=Campbell|first=John|title=The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security|year=2012|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-66744-9|page=233|editor=Chris Seiple, Dennis Hoover, Dennis R. Hoover, Pauletta Otis}}
</ref>
<ref name="Murphy 2011">
{{cite book|last=Murphy|first=Eamon|title=Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice|year=2011|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-66447-9|page=86|editor=Richard Jackson, Eamon Murphy, Scott Poynting|date=24|month=March}}
</ref>
<ref name="Krishnan 2012">
{{cite news|last=Krishnan|first=Murali|title=Modi's clearance in the Gujarat riots case angers Indian Muslims|url=http://www.dw.de/modis-clearance-in-the-gujarat-riots-case-angers-indian-muslims/a-15874606|newspaper=Deutsche Welle|date=11 March 2012|author2=Shamil Shams}}
</ref>
<ref name="Times of India 2013">
{{cite news|last=India|first=Times of|title=Is SIT hiding proof in Gujarat riots case?|url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-07-18/india/40656297_1_zakia-jafri-train-burning-godhra-incident|newspaper=Times of India|date=18 July 2013}}
</ref>
<ref name="Dhattiwala 2012">
{{cite journal|last=Dhattiwala|first=Raheel|coauthors=Michael Biggs|title=The Political Logic of Ethnic Violence The Anti-Muslim Pogrom in Gujarat, 2002|journal=Politics and Society|year=2012|volume=40|issue=4|page=485|doi=10.1177/0032329212461125}}
</ref>
<ref name="Garlough 2013">
{{cite book|last=Garlough|first=Christine L.|title=Desi Divas: Political Activism in South Asian American Cultural Performances|year=2013|publisher=University Press of Mississippi|isbn=978-1-61703-732-0|page=123}}
</ref>
<ref name="Pandey 2005 b">
{{cite book|last=Pandey|first=Gyanendra|title=Routine violence: nations, fragments, histories|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-5264-0|pages=187–188|year=2005|month=November}}
</ref>
<ref name="Baruah 2012 b">
{{cite book|last=Baruah|first=Bipasha|title=Women and Property in Urban India|year=2012|publisher=University of British Columbia Press|isbn=978-0-7748-1928-2|page=41}}</ref>
<ref name="Khosrokhavar 2010">
{{cite book|last=Khosrokhavar|first=Farhad|title=The Fundamentalist Mindset: Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History|year=2010|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-537965-5|page=212|editor=Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd}}
</ref>
<ref name="Patiya massacre">
{{cite book|last=Gupta|first=Dipankar|title=Justice before Reconciliation: Negotiating a 'New Normal' in Post-riot Mumbai and Ahmedabad|year=2011|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-61254-8|page=24}}
</ref>
<ref name="Vadodara 2007">
{{cite book|last=Ganguly|first=Rajat|title=The State of India's Democracy|year=2007|publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|isbn=978-0-8018-8791-8|page=60|editor=Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner}}
</ref>
<ref name="Hampton 2002">
{{cite book|last=Hampton|first=Janie|title=Internally Displaced People: A Global Survey|year=2002|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-85383-952-8|page=116}}
</ref>
<ref name="Nussbaum 2009 p81">
{{cite book|last=Nussbaum|first=Martha C.|title=Values and Violence: Intangible Aspects of Terrorism|year=2009|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-90-481-3404-5|page=81}}
</ref>
<ref name="Press Trust 2006">
{{cite news|last=of India|first=Press Trust|title=Banerjee panel illegal: Gujarat HC|url=http://expressindia.indianexpress.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=75485|newspaper=The Indian Express|date=13 October 2006}}
</ref>
<ref name="Spodek 2008">{{cite journal|last=Spodek|first=Howard Spodek|title=In the Hindutva Laboratory: Pogroms and Politics in Gujarat, 2002|journal=Modern Asian Studies|year=2008|page=351|doi=10.1017/S0026749X08003612}}
</ref>
<ref name=
{{cite web|last=Tribunal|first=Concerned Citizens|title=Crime Against Humanity|url=http://www.sabrang.com/tribunal/tribunal2.pdf|publisher=Citizens for Justice and Peace|accessdate=2013-07-11|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/6I2rVSHcK|archivedate=2013-07-11|deadurl=no}}
</ref>
<ref name="AHRC 2003">
{{cite web|last=Commission|first=Asian Human Rights|title=Genocide in Gujarat: Patterns of violen|url=http://www.humanrights.asia/resources/journals-magazines/article2/0201/genocide-in-gujarat-patterns-of-violence|publisher=Asian Human Rights Commission|accessdate=2013-07-11|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/6I2rW2Moe|archivedate=2013-07-11|deadurl=no}}
</ref>
<ref name="Khan, Times of India 2011">
{{cite news|last=Khan|first=Saeed|title=Nanavati Commission's term extended till Dec-end|url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-06-21/india/29682704_1_justice-mehta-nanavati-commission-post-godhra-riots|newspaper=Times of India|date=21 June 2011}}
</ref>
<ref name="Jaffrelot 2011 p389">
{{cite book|last=Jaffrelot|first=Christophe|title=Religion, Caste, and Politics in India|year=2011|publisher=C Hurst & Co|isbn=978-1-84904-138-6|page=398}}
</ref>
<ref name="Metcalf 2012">
{{cite book|last=Metcalf|first=Barbara D.|title=A Concise History of Modern India|year=2012|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-02649-0|page=280}}
</ref>
<ref name="Jeffery 2011">
{{cite book|last=Jeffery|first=Craig|title=A Companion to the Anthropology of India|year=2011|publisher=Wiley-Blackwell|isbn=978-1-4051-9892-9|page=1988|editor=Isabelle Clark-Decès}}
</ref>
<ref name="Embree 2012">
{{cite book|last=Campbell|first=John|title=The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security|year=2012|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-66744-9|page=233|editor=Chris Seiple, Dennis Hoover, Dennis R. Hoover, Pauletta Otis}}
</ref>
<ref name="Shani 2007 b">
{{cite book|last=Shani|first=Ornit|title=Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in Gujarat|year=2007|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-72753-2|page=171}}
</ref>
<ref name="Simpson 2009">
{{cite book|last=Simpson|first=Edward|title=Muslim Society and the Western Indian Ocean: The Seafarers of Kachchh|year=2009|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-54377-4|page=134}}
</ref>
<ref name="Horvitz 2011">
{{cite book|last=Horvitz|first=Leslie A.|title=Encyclopedia of War Crimes and Genocide|year=2011|publisher=Chelsea House Publishers|isbn=978-0-8160-8083-0|page=186|edition=Revised|coauthors=Christopher Catherwood}}
</ref>
<ref name="Hibbard 2010 b">
{{cite book|last=Hibbard|first=Scott W.|title=Religious Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India, and the United States|year=2010|publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|isbn=978-0-8018-9669-9|page=171}}
</ref>
<ref name="Murphy 2011">
{{cite book|last=Murphy|first=Eamon|title=Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice|year=2011|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-66447-9|page=90|editor=Richard Jackson, Eamon Murphy, Scott Poynting}}
</ref>
<ref name="Khan 2011 b">
{{cite book|last=Khan|first=Yasmin|title=The Blackwell Companion to Religion and Violence|year=2011|publisher=Wiley-Blackwell|isbn=978-1-4051-9131-9|page=369|editor=Andrew R. Murphy}}
</ref>
<ref name="Bhatt 2002">
{{cite news|last=Bhatt|first=Sheela|title=Mob sets fire to Wakf board office in Gujarat secretariat|url=http://in.rediff.com/news/2002/feb/28sheela.htm|newspaper=Rediff|date=28 February 2002}}
</ref>
<ref name="Dasgupta 2002">
{{cite news|last=Dasgupta|first=Manas|title=Shoot orders in many Gujarat towns, toll over 200|url=http://www.hindu.com/2002/03/02/stories/2002030203050100.htm|newspaper=The Hindu|date=2 March 2002}}
</ref>
<ref name="Margatt 2011">
{{cite book|last=Margatt|first=Ruth|title=Acting Together: Resistance and reconciliation in regions of violence|year=2011|publisher=New Village Press|isbn=978-0-9815593-9-1|page=188|editor=Cynthia E. Cohen, Roberto Gutierrez Varea, Polly O. Walker}}
</ref>
<ref name="BBC 6 May 2002">
{{cite news|last=Corporation|first=British Broadcasting|title=Indian MPs back Gujarat motion|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/1970415.stm|newspaper=BBC|date=6 May 2002}}
</ref>
<ref name="Bunsha 2005 b">
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{{cite book|last=Rubin|first=Olivier|title=Democracy and Famine|year=2010|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-59822-4|pages=172–173}}
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{{cite book|last=Rosser|first=Yvette Claire|title=Curriculum as Destiny: Forging National Identity in India, Pakistan, and Bangla|year=2003|publisher=University of Texas at Austin|page=356|url=http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2003/rosseryc036/rosseryc036.pdf|archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20080911035259/http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2003/rosseryc036/rosseryc036.pdf|archivedate=2008-09-11}}
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{{cite web|last=Watch|first=H R.|title=Compounding Injustice: The Government's Failure to Redress Massacres in Gujarat|year=2003|publisher=Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme|page=57|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/06/30/compounding-injustice|accessdate=2013-07-11}}
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{{cite journal|last=Khanna|first=Renu|title=Communal Violence in Gujarat, India: Impact of Sexual Violence and Responsibilities of the Health Care System|journal=Reproductive Health Matters|year=2008|volume=16|issue=31|page=14}}
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{{cite book|last=Shiva|first=Vandana|title=India Divided: Diversity and Democracy Under Attack|year=2003|publisher=Seven Stories Press|isbn=978-1-58322-540-0}}
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{{cite book|last=Jaffrelot|first=Christophe|title=Religion, Caste, and Politics in India|year=2011|publisher=C Hurst & Co|isbn=978-1-84904-138-6|page=388}}
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{{cite book|last=Martin-Lucas|first=Belen|title=Feminism, Literature and Rape Narratives: Violence and Violation|year=2010|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-80608-4|page=147|edition=1st|editor=Sorcha Gunne, Zoë Brigley}}
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{{cite book|last=Bunsha|first=Dionne|title=Scarred: Experiment's With Violence In Gujarat|year=2005|publisher=Penguin|isbn=978-0-14-400076-0}}
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{{cite book|last=Varadarajan|first=Siddharth|title=Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy|year=2002|publisher=Penguin (India)|isbn=978-0-14-302901-4|page=181}}
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<ref name="Human Rights Watch 2002">
{{cite news|last=Watch|first=Human Rights|title=We Have No Orders To Save You|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/india/index.htm#TopOfPage|newspaper=Human Rights Watch|date=April, 2002}}
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{{cite book|last=Oommen|first=T. K.|title=Reconciliation in Post-Godhra Gujarat: The Role of Civil Society|year=2008|publisher=Pearson Education India|isbn=978-81-317-1546-8|page=71}}
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{{cite book|last=Varadarajan|first=Siddharth|title=Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy|year=2002|publisher=Penguin (India)|isbn=978-0-14-302901-4|page=83}}
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{{cite journal|last=Mehtaa|first=Nalin|title=Modi and the Camera: The Politics of Television in the 2002 Gujarat Riots|journal=Journal of South Asian Studies|year=2006|volume=26|issue=3|pages=395–414|doi=10.1080/00856400601031989}}
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{{cite book|last=Gupta|first=Amit|title=Global Security Watch--India|year=2012|publisher=Praeger|isbn=978-0-313-39586-4|page=7}}
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{{Cite book|first=Prasun|last=Sonwalkar|editor-last=Cole|editor-first=Benjamin|contribution=Shooting the messenger? Political violence, Gujarat 2002 and the Indian news media|title=Conflict, Terrorism and the Media in Asia|year=2006|pages=82–97|publisher=Routledge|issn=0415351987|postscript=}}
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{{cite book|last=Gupta|first=Dipankar|title=Justice before Reconciliation: Negotiating a 'New Normal' in Post-riot Mumbai and Ahmedabad|year=2011|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-61254-8|page=34}}
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{{cite book|last=Pandey|first=Gyanendra|title=Routine violence: nations, fragments, histories|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-5264-0|pages=187–188|year=2005|month=November}}
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{{cite book|last=Brass|first=Paul R.|title=The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India|year=2005|publisher=University of Washington Press|isbn=978-0-295-98506-0|page=388|month=July}}
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{{cite book|last=Shani|first=Ornit|title=Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in Gujarat|year=2007|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-72753-2|page=171}}
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{{cite book|last=Rubin|first=Olivier|title=Democracy and Famine|year=2010|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-59822-4|pages=172–173}}
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{{cite book|last=Hibbard|first=Scott W.|title=Religious Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India, and the United States|year=2010|publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|isbn=978-0-8018-9669-9|page=171}}
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<ref name="Cohen">
{{cite book|last=Cohen|first=Cynthia E.|title=Acting Together: Resistance and reconciliation in regions of violence|year=2011|publisher=New Village Press|isbn=978-0-9815593-9-1|page=280|editor=Cynthia E. Cohen, Roberto Gutierrez Varea, Polly O. Walker}}
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{{cite book|last=Bigelow|first=Anna|title=Sharing the Sacred: Practicing Pluralism in Muslim North India|year=2010|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-536823-9|page=15}}
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<ref name="Press Trust of India">{{cite web|author=Press Trust of India |url=http://www.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=17823 |title=Intl experts spoil Modi's party, say Gujarat worse than Bosnia |publisher=Express India |date=2002-12-19 |accessdate=2013-07-11}}</ref>
<ref name="Puniyani 2009">
{{cite news|last=Puniyani|first=Ram|title=Gujarat Carnage-Role of Narendra Modi|url=http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main41.asp?filename=Ws090509Ram_Puniyani.asp|newspaper=Tehelka|date=2 May 2009}}
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<ref name="Desai 2002">
{{cite news|last=Desai|first=Darshan|title=Leads From Purgatory|url=http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?218197|newspaper=Outlook India|date=2 December 2002}}
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<ref name="Ramachandran 2003">
{{cite news|last=Ramachandran|first=Rajesh|title=Cong silent on cadres linked to Guj riots|url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-08-09/india/27201201_1_congress-leaders-congress-mlas-gujarat-youth-congress|newspaper=Times of India|date=9 August 2003}}</ref>
<ref name="HRW May 2002">
{{cite news|last=Watch|first=Human Rights|title=India: Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence|url=http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2002/04/29/india-gujarat-officials-took-part-anti-muslim-violence|newspaper=Human Rights Watch|date=1 May 2002}}
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<ref name="Sen March 2002">
{{cite news|last=Sen|first=Ayanjit|title=NGO says Gujarat riots were planned|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/1881497.stm|newspaper=BBC|date=19 March 2002}}
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<ref name="Krishnaswami 2006">
{{cite news|last=Krishnaswami|first=Sridhar|title='U.S. raised Gujarat riots with BJP-led Government'|url=http://www.hindu.com/2004/09/16/stories/2004091613381100.htm|newspaper=The Hindu|date=16 September 2006}}
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{{cite book|last=Nussbaum|first=Martha Craven|title=The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future|year=2008|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-03059-6|page=2}}
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{{cite news|last=Correspondent|first=Newzfirst|title='Gujarat riots not sudden and spontaneous, SIT probe biased'|url=http://www.newzfirst.com/web/guest/full-story/-/asset_publisher/Qd8l/content/gujarat-riots-not-sudden-and-spontaneous-sit-probe-biased?redirect=/web/guest/full%20story|newspaper=New Z First|date=16 April 2013}}
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<ref name="IE222">
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{{cite book|last=Oommen|first=T. K.|title=Reconciliation in Post-Godhra Gujarat: The Role of Civil Society|year=2008|publisher=Pearson Education|isbn=978-81-317-1546-8|page=73}}
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{{cite news|last=Times|first=Economic|title=Gujarat government extends term of Nanavati panel till June 30, 2013|url=http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2012-12-31/news/36079392_1_godhra-train-justice-k-g-shah-akshay-mehta|newspaper=Economic Times|date=31 December 2012}}
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{{cite news|last=Magazine|first=Tehelka|title=A Compromised Commission|url=http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main38.asp?filename=Ne260408compromised_commission.asp|newspaper=Tehelka|date=16 April 2008}}
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{{cite news|last=IBN|first=CNN|title=Controversial ex-judge joins Gujarat riots probe|url=http://ibnlive.in.com/news/controversial-exjudge-joins-gujarat-riots-probe/62984-3.html|newspaper=CNN IBN|date=9 April 2008}}
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{{cite news|last=Soni|first=Nikunj|title=Nanavati commission: A new lease of life, for the 20th time!|url=http://www.dnaindia.com/ahmedabad/1856383/report-nanavati-commission-a-new-lease-of-life-for-the-20th-time|newspaper=DNA India|date=3 July 2013}}
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{{cite news|last=Today|first=India|title=Nanavati report based on manufactured evidence: Tehelka|url=http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/Nanavati+report+based+on+manufactured+evidence:+Tehelka/1/16298.html|newspaper=India Today|date=27 September 2008}}
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{{cite news|last=Sen|first=Ayanjit|title=NGO says Gujarat riots were planned|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/1881497.stm|newspaper=BBC|date=19 March 2002}}
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{{cite book|last=Nussbaum|first=Martha |title=The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence and India's Future|year=2009|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-02482-3|pages=50–51}}
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{{cite book|last=Craven Nussbaum|first=Martha|title=The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future|year=2008|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-03059-6|pages=50–51}}
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<ref name="Kiernan 2008">{{cite book|last=Kiernan|first=Ben|title=Blood and Soil: Modern Genocide 1500–2000|year=2008|publisher=Melbourne University Press|isbn=978-0-522-85477-0|page=15}}
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{{cite journal|last=Rauf|first=Taha Abdul|title=Violence Inficted on Muslims:Direct, Cultural and Structural|journal=Economic & Political Weekly|date=4|year=2011|month=June|volume=xlvi|issue=23|pages=69–75|url=http://academia.edu/1050326/Violence_Inficted_on_Muslims_Direct_Cultural_and_Structural}}</ref>
<ref name="Sreekumar 2012">
{{cite news|last=Sreekumar|first=R B.|title=Gujarat genocide: The State, law and subversion|newspaper=Rediff|date=27 February 2012|quote=Significantly, practically all police officers who had genuinely enforced the rule of law to ensure security to minorities had incurred the wrath of the Modi government and many of these persons who refused to carry out the covert anti-minority agenda of the CM were punished with disciplinary proceedings, transfers, by-passing in promotion and so on. A few upright officers have to leave the state on deputation.}}
</ref>
<ref name="Khetan 2011">
{{cite news|last=Khetan|first=Ashish|title=Senior IPS Officer Sanjeev Bhatt Arrested In Ahmedabad|url=http://www.tehelka.com/senior-ips-officer-sanjeev-bhatt-arrested-in-ahmedabad/|newspaper=Tehelka|date=19, February 2011}}
</ref>
}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:2002 Gujarat violence}}
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Revision as of 03:56, 13 September 2013
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/c1/Ahmedabad_riots1.jpg/300px-Ahmedabad_riots1.jpg)
The 2002 Gujarat violence was a period of inter-communal violence in the Indian state of Gujarat which lasted for approximately three days. Following on from the initial incident there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad which lasted for approximately three weeks, statewide there were further outbreaks of mass killings against the minority Muslim population for three months.[1][2] The attack on 27 February 2002 on a train, thought by most to have been carried out by Muslims, and which caused the deaths of 58 people, some of whom were activists returning from Ayodhya, is believed to have been the cause of the incidents, with some commentators calling the violence an act of retaliation.[3][4] Other commentators however have disputed this saying that the attacks had been pre-planned, were well orchestrated and that the attack on the train was in fact a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence.[5][6]
According to the official figures, the riots resulted in the deaths of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus; 2,500 people were injured non-fatally, and 223 more were reported missing.[7] Other sources estimate that up to 2000 Muslims died.[8] There were instances of rape, children being burned alive, and widespread looting and destruction of property. Chief Minister Narendra Modi has been accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as have police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them.[9] In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court of India. The Muslim community are reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief" and Teesta Setalvad, of the NGO, Citizen for Peace and Justice, has said the legal process was not yet over as there was a right to appeal.[10] In July 2013 allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence.[11]
While officially classified as a communalist riot, the 2002 events have been described as a pogrom by many scholars and commentators.[12][13] Other independent observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide",[14] called it an instance of state terrorism,[15][16] while others have said the incidents were tantamount to ethnic cleansing.[17] Instances of mass violence which occurred include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly alongside a police training camp,[18] the Gulbarg Society massacre which resulted in the death of Ehsan Jafri a former member of parliament, and in the city of Vadodara.[19] Martha Nussbaum has said that "There is by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law"[20]
Godhra train burning
On 27 February 2002, the Sabarmati Express was reported to have been attacked and set alight by a crowd of Muslims. These reports resulted in a concerted attack on the Muslim community. The causes of the initial confrontation at Godhra railway station are undetermined, it was reported that the activists had harassed Muslim vendors on the station platform, and this has been cited as a probable cause for the attack on the train.[21] Martha Nussbaum wrote in 2008 that two independent inquires concluded that the fire was an accident and had begun inside the train, caused by combustion stoves.[22] The The Banerjee Committee, started by Lalu Prasad Yadav and headed up by a retired Supreme Court judge, Umesh Chandra Banerjee,[23] concluded that the fire had started inside the train and was most likely accidental. However, the committee was declared illegal, unconstitutional and outside the jurisdiction of the Union government by the Gujarat High Court in 2006.[24] Another report carried out by the Hazards Centre, an NGO from Delhi also concluded that the fire must have begun inside the train, and both the Hazard and the Banerjee reports were critical of the preliminary investigations carried out by local police.[25] The NGO Concerned Citizens Tribunal(CCT), headed by Teesta Setalvad also concluded that the fire had been an accident.[26][27] However, many findings of the CCT provided by Teesta Setalvad have been called into question by the Special Investigation Team.[28]
Another investigation, which was commissioned by the Gujarat government lead by the Bharatiya Janata Party was headed by G. T. Nanavati, a retired Supreme Court judge. This investigation known as the "Shah-Nanavati commission" concluded that the attacks on the train had been pre-planned and was the result of a conspiracy by locals.[29] In a recording by Tehelka Arvind Pandya who is counsel to the Gujarat government, stated that the Shah-Nanavati commission would fall in favour of the BJP, as Shah was their man and Nanavati could be bribed.[30] Independent commentators have said that the fire itself was almost certainly an accident, and that the initial cause of the conflagration will never be determined.[4][31] However, most commentators place the blame for the burning on Muslims.[32][33][34]
Post Godhra violence
Following the attack on the train the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) called for a statewide bandh (strike), even though these have been declared by the Supreme Court to be unconstitutional and illegal. It is common knowledge in India that these strikes are usually followed by violence. No action was taken by the state to prevent the strike, or put a stop the initial violence.[35] Independent reports indicate that former VHP president Rana Rajendrasinh had endorsed the strike, and that Modi and Rana had used inflammatory language which could worsen the situation.[36]
Modi declared that the attack on the train had been carried out by "terrorists", these words were interpreted as a signal to take vengeance on the Muslim community.[37] Local newspapers and members of the state government used the Godhra incident to incite the violence. They claimed without proof[8] the attack on the train was carried out by Pakistan's intelligence agency and that local Muslims had conspired with them to attack Hindus in the state. False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslims kidnapped and then raped some Hindu women.[38]
The day following the fire coordinated attacks began. Men wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts arrived en masse in trucks. They had swords, explosives and gas cylinders which were used to destroy homes and places of business. Attacks were made in full view of police stations and police officers, however the police did not intervene.[9] The rioters used mobile phones to coordinate their attacks.[39] By days end on 28 February in 27 towns and cities a curfew was declared.[40] A minister who spoke with Rediff.com stated that though the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad, the situation was under control, and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence. In Baroda the administration also imposed a curfew in seven areas. The deputy superintendent of police stated that the Rapid Action Force had been deployed to sensitive areas in Godhra. Gordhan Zadaphia, the state home minister believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community.[41] Three days after the violence had begun troops were airlifted into the state and began flag marches. Modi, stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control, he also said that if the situation warranted it, then the police would have help by deploying the army. A shoot to kill order was also issued.[42] However the troop deployment was withheld by the state until the most severe aspects of the violence had ended, and it was not until 1 March that contingents of troops began to be deployed to help put down the violence.[43] After more than two months of violence a unanimous vote to gain federal intervention was passed in the upper house of parliament. Members of the opposition made accusations that the government had failed to give protection to Muslims in what was, after ten years the worst rioting in India.[44]
There was widespread targeted destruction of shrines and mosques. The tomb of Malik Asin was bulldozed, the Muhafiz Khan Mosque was also destroyed. The tomb of the eighteenth century saint Wali Gujrati was leveled and paved over the following day by the council. It is estimated that 230 masjids and dargahs were destroyed during the violence.[45] For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part, and looted Muslim shops.[40] It is estimated that up to 150,000 people were displaced during the violence.[46] It is estimated that 200 police officers died while trying to control the violence and human rights watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence.[47][48]
Attacks on Muslims
Template:Violence against Muslims
Dionne Bunsha writing on the Gulbarg Society massacre and murder of Ehsan Jafri, has said that Jafri begged the crowd to spare the women, he was dragged into the street and forced to parade naked yet he refused to say "Jai Shri Ram". He was then beheaded and thrown onto a fire, following this the rioters returned and burned Jafri's family, including two small boys to death. After the massacre Gulbarg burned for a week.[45][49] According to Siddharth Varadarajan on 28 February in the districts of Morjari Chowk and Charodia Chowk, in Ahmedabad of forty people killed by police shooting, all were Muslim.[50] It is estimated that at least 250 girls and women had been gang raped and then burned to death.[51] Children were killed by being burnt alive and those digging mass graves described the bodies as "burned and butchered beyond recognition".[52] Children were force fed petrol and then set on fire, pregnant women were gutted and their unborn child's body then shown to the women. In the Naroda Patiya mass grave of 96 bodies 46 were women. The murderers also flooded homes and electrocuted entire families inside.[53] Violence against women also included their being stripped naked, objects being forced into their bodies and then their being killed. According to Kalpana Kannabiran the rapes were part of a well organized, deliberate and pre-planned strategy, and that this puts the violence in the area of a political pogrom and genocide.[54] Other acts of violence against women were acid attacks, beatings and the killing of women who were pregnant. Children were also killed in front of their parents.[55] George Fernandes in a discussion in parliament on the violence caused widespread furore in his defence of the state government, saying that this was not the first time that women and been violated and raped in India.[56]
Children and infants were speared and held aloft before being thrown into fires.[57] Describing the sexual violence perpetrated against Muslim women and girls, Renu Khanna writes that the survivors reported "that sexual violence consisted of forced nudity, mass rapes, gang-rapes, mutilation, insertion of objects into bodies, cutting of breasts, slitting the stomach and reproductive organs, and carving of Hindu religious symbols on women's body parts."[58] The Concerned Citizens' Tribunal, characterised the use of rape "as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of a community".[58] Testimony heard by the committee stated that:
A chilling technique, absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases, was the deliberate destruction of evidence. Barring a few, in most instances of sexual violence, the women victims were stripped and paraded naked, then gang-raped, and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition ... The leaders of the mobs even raped young girls, some as young as 11 years old ... before burning them alive ... Even a 20-day-old infant, or a fetus in the womb of its mother, was not spared.[58]
For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part, and looted Muslim shops.[40] According to Vandana Shiva "Young boys have been taught to burn, rape and kill in the name of Hindutva".[59]
Attacks on Hindus
Human rights watch has reported that 10000 Hindus had been displaced during the violence, many Hindu residents were in fear of reprisal attacks or being mistaken for Muslim. Hindu home and business owners had placed saffron flags or pictures of Hindu deities on their properties to identify themselves as Hindu. On 17 March there was an attack by Muslims on Dalits. In Himatnagar, a man was found dead, his eyes had been gouged out. The Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad, were also attacked.[60]
There was a retaliatory attack in Jamalpur which resulted in 25 Hindus injured and five house being razed. The police quickly responded, and the colony was visited by Modi after a short period of time.[60][61] According to Varadarajan the majority of Hindu deaths were from shootings by the police, some were killed by Hindutva rioters after they had been mistaken for Muslims, with some deliberately killed for having worked with, or having befriended Muslims. A report from Frontline on the violence in Ahmedabad of 249 bodies recovered by 5 march, 30 were Hindus. Of these 13 had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties. 24 Muslims had died in police shootings even though there had been very few attacks by Muslims on Hindu neighborhoods.[62]
Media coverage
The events in Gujarat were the first instance of communal violence in India in the age of 24 hour news coverage, and were televised worldwide, this coverage played a central role in the politics of the situation. Media coverage was generally critical of the Hindu right, however the BJP portrayed the coverage as an assault on the honour of Gujaratis and turned the hostility into an emotive part of their electoral campaign.[63][64]
With the violence receding in April a peace meeting was arranged at Sabarmati Ashram a former home of Gandhi. Hindutva supporters and Police officers attacked almost a dozen Journalists. The state government banned television news channels critical of the government's response, and local stations were blocked. Two reporters working for STAR News were assaulted several times while covering the violence, on a return trip from having interviewed Modi when their car was surrounded by a crowd, one of the crowd claimed that they would be killed should they be a member of a minority community. Prasun Sonwalkar believes the media can play an important role in highlighting acts of action, or inaction and abuses of power.[65]
The Editors Guild of India, in its report on media ethics and coverage on the incidents stated that the news coverage was exemplary, with only a few minor lapses. The local newspapers Sandesh Gujarati and Gujarat Samachar however were heavily criticised.[66] The report states that Sandesh had headlines which would "provoke, communalize and terrorise people. The newspaper also used a quote from a VHP leader as a headline, "Avenge with blood". The report also stated that Samachar had played a role in increasing the tensions, but did not give all of its coverage over to "hawkish and inflammatory reportage in the first few weeks" The paper also carried reports to highlight communal harmony. Gujarat Today was given praise for showing restraint and for the balanced reportage of the violence.[67]
Critical reporting on the Gujarat government's handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government's intervention in controlling the violence. The Editorial Guild of India rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation, saying that the coverage exposed the "horrors" of the riots as well as the "supine if not complicit" attitude of the state, helping propel remedial action.[68]
Allegations of state complicity
Dipankar Gupta believes that the state and police were complicit in the violence is an undoubted fact. Gupta has also said that some officers were outstanding in the performance of their duties such as Himanshu Bhatt and Rahul Sharma. Sharma was reported to have said "I don't think any other job would have allowed me to save so many lives".[69] These attacks have been described by Gyanendra Pandey as pogroms and a new form of state terrorism, and that these incidents are not riots but "organized political massacres".[15] According to Paul Brass the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical Anti-Muslim pogrom which was carried out with exceptional brutality and was highly coordinated.[70]
The media has also described the attacks as state terrorism rather than "communal riots" due to the lack of state intervention.[16] Selective targeting of properties was shown by the destruction of the offices of the Muslim Wakf board which was located within the confines of the high security zone and just 500 meters from the office of the chief minister.[35] Cited as further evidence of state complicity was that the rioters had printouts of voter registration lists, allowing them to target Muslim properties.[39][46]
According to Scott W. Hibbard the violence had been planned far in advance, and that similar to other instances of communal violence the Bajrang Dal, the VHP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh all took part in the attacks.[38] An investigation by the British high commission concluded that the violence had been pre-planned and the state government had supported the rioters and that the violence had the mark of ethnic cleansing. This report also said that while Modi remained in power then reconciliation between the Hindu and Muslim communities would not be possible.[71] The US Commission on International Religious Freedom Report in 2003 and 2004 called India a "country of particular concern", and cited as one reason for this was the violence in 2002. They also wrote the even though India has a tradition of democracy, minorities are subjected to mass killings and intense violence periodically. It also made note that those who carry out these acts of violence are rarely held accountable for their actions.[72]
An international fact finding committee formed of all women international experts from US, UK, France, Germany and Sri Lanka reported, "sexual violence was being used as a strategy for terrorising women belonging to minority community in the state."[73]
The CCT report includes testimony of the then Gujarat BJP minister Haren Pandya (since murdered), who testified about an evening meeting convened by Narendra Modi the evening of the Godhra train burning. At this meeting, officials were instructed not to obstruct the Hindu rage following the incident.[74] The report also highlighted a second meeting, held in Lunawada village of Panchmahal district, attended by state ministers Ashok Bhatt, and Prabhatsinh Chauhan, and other BJP and RSS leaders, where "detailed plans were made on the use of kerosene and petrol for arson and other methods of killing."[75] The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind claimed in 2002 that some regional Congress workers collaborated with the perpetrators of the violence.[76]
Organizations such as Human Rights Watch criticised the Indian government for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of the people, the "overwhelming majority of them Muslim," who fled their homes for relief camps in the aftermath of the events, as well as the Gujarat state administration for engaging in a cover-up of the state's role in the massacres.[77]
In response to allegations of state involvement, Gujarat government spokesman, Bharat Pandya, told the BBC that the rioting was a spontaneous Hindu backlash fuelled by widespread anger against Muslims. He said "Hindus are frustrated over the role of Muslims in the on-going violence in Indian-administered Kashmir and other parts of India".[78]
The US Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom, John Hanford, expressing concern over religious intolerance in Indian politics, said that while the rioters may have been aided by state and local officials, he did not believe that the BJP-led central government was involved in inciting the riots.[79]
Criminal prosecutions
Prosecution of those accused for criminal actions during the violence faced problems with witnesses being either bribed or intimidated, local judges were also biased.[80] As of April 2013 249 convictions had been secured, 184 Hindus and 65 Muslims. 31 of the Muslim convictions were for the Train incident in Godhra.[81]
The Indian Supreme Court has been strongly critical of the state government's investigation and prosecution of those accused of violence during the riots, directing police to review about 2,000 of the 4,000 riot-related cases that had been closed citing lack of evidence or leads.[82] Following this direction, police identified nearly 1,600 cases for re-investigation, arrested 640 accused and launched investigations against 40 police officers for their failures.[83][84]
Human Rights Watch alleged[85] that state and law enforcement officials were harassing and intimidating[86] key witnesses, NGOs, social activists and lawyers who were fighting to seek justice for riot victims. In its 2003 annual report, Amnesty International stated, "the same police force that was accused of colluding with the attackers was put in charge of the investigations into the massacres, undermining the process of delivery of justice to the victims."[87]
The Best Bakery murder trial received wide attention after witnesses retracted testimony in court and all of the accused were acquitted. The Indian Supreme Court, acting on a petition by social activist Teesta Setalvad, ordered a retrial outside Gujarat in which nine accused were found guilty in 2006.[88] A key witness, Zaheera Sheikh, who repeatedly changed her testimony during the trials and the petition was found guilty of perjury.[89]
After a local court dismissed the case against her assailants, Bilkis Bano approached the National Human Rights Commission and petitioned the Supreme Court seeking a retrial. The Supreme Court granted the motion, directing the Central Bureau of Investigation to take over the investigation. CBI appointed a team of experts from CFSL Delhi and AIIMS under the guidance and leadership of Professor T. D. Dogra of AIIMS to exhume the mass graves to established the identity and cause of death of victims. The team successfully located and exhumed the remains of victims.[90] The trial of the case was transferred out of Gujarat and directing the central government to appoint the public prosecutor.[91][92] Charges were filed in a Mumbai court against nineteen people as well as six police officials and a government doctor over their role in the initial investigations.[93] In January 2008, eleven men were sentenced to life imprisonment for the rape and murders and a policeman was convicted of falsifying evidence.[94]
In 2005, the Vadodara fast-track court acquitted 108 people accused of murdering two youths, during a mob attack on a group of displaced Muslims returning under police escort to their homes in Avdhootnagar. The court passed strictures against the police for failing to protect the people under their escort[95] and failing to identify the attackers they had witnessed.[96]
Nine people were convicted of killing a Hindu man and injuring another during group clashes in Danilimda, Ahmedabad on 12 April, while 25 others were acquitted.[97]
Eight people, including a VHP leader and a member of the BJP, were convicted for the murder of seven members of a family and the rape of two minor girls in the village of Eral in Panchmahal district.[98][99]
52 people from Pavagadh and Dhikva villages in Panchmahal district were acquitted of rioting charges for lack of evidence.[100]
A stringent anti-terror law, the POTA, was used by the Gujarat government to charge 131 people in connection to the Godhra train fire, but not invoked in prosecuting any of the accused in the post-Godhra riots.[101][102] In 2005 the POTA Review Committee set up by the central government to review the application of the law opined that the Godhra accused should not be tried under the provisions of POTA.[103]
In February 2011 a special fast track court convicted 31 Muslims for the Godhra train burning incident and the conspiracy for the crime[104]
On 9 November 2011, a court in Ahmedabad sentenced 31 Hindus to life imprisonment for murdering dozens of Muslims, by burning a building in which they took shelter.[105] 41 other Hindus were acquitted of murder charges due to lack of evidence.[105] 22 additional people were convicted for attempted murder on 30 July 2012, while 61 others were acquitted.[106]
On 29 July 2012, an Indian court gave the verdict in the Naroda Patiya massacre case and convicted 32 people, including former state minister Maya Kodnani and Hindu leader Babu Bajrangi of involvement in the attacks. The court case began in 2009, and over 300 people (including victims, witnesses, doctors, and journalists) had testified before the court. For the first time, the verdict acknowledged the role of a politician in inciting Hindu mobs. Activists say that the verdict will embolden the opponent of Narendra Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat, in the crucial run-up to state elections later this year, when Modi will seek a third term. Modi refused to apologise and denied that the government had a role in the riots. Twenty-nine people were acquitted during the verdict. Teesta Setalvad, a human rights campaigner, said, "For the first time, this judgment actually goes beyond neighborhood perpetrators and goes up to the political conspiracy. The fact that convictions have gone that high means the conspiracy charge has been accepted and the political influencing of the mobs has been accepted by the judge. This is a huge victory for justice."[107]
In April 2009, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) setup by the Supreme Court of India to investigate and expedite the Gujarat riot cases submitted before the Court that Teesta Setalvad had cooked up cases of violence to spice up the incidents. The SIT which is headed by former CBI director, R. K. Raghavan has said that false witnesses were tutored to give evidence about imaginary incidents by Setalvad and other NGOs.[108] The SIT charged her of "cooking up macabre tales of killings".[109][110]
The court was told that 22 witnesses, who had submitted identical affidavits before various courts relating to riot incidents, were questioned by SIT and it was found that the witnesses had not actually witnessed the incidents and they were tutored and the affidavits were handed over to them by Setalvad.[109]
The report which was brought to the notice of the bench, consisting of Justices Arijit Pasayat, P Sathasivam and Aftab Alam, noted that the much publicised case of a pregnant Muslim woman Kausar Banu being gangraped by a mob and foetus being removed from sharp weapons, was also cooked up and false.[108][111]
Many of the investigations and prosecutions of those accused of violence during the riots have been opened for re-investigation and prosecution.[82][83]
Inquiries
There were more than 60 investigations by national and international bodies many of which having investigated the incident, concluded there was support from state officials in the violence.[112] The report from the National Human Rights Commission of India(NHRC) concluded that the attacks had been premeditated, that state government officials were complicit and that there was evidence of police not acting during the assaults on Muslims. The report also made mention of the BJP and Modi in "Promoting the attitudes of racial supremacy, racial hatred and the legacy of Nazism through his governments support of school textbooks in which Nazism is glorified". The US state department also found "that Modi revised high school textbooks to describe Hitler's 'charismatic personality' and the 'achievements of Nazism'.[113][Note 1] The NHRC also stated that Res ipsa loquitur applied as the state had comprehensively failed to protect and had not upheld the rights of the people as set out in the Constitution of India.[114]
The CCT report which was headed up by Krishna Iyer, a retired justice of the Supreme Court released its findings in 2003 and stated that contrary to the government allegation of a conspiracy in Godhra, this incident had not been pre-planned and there were no evidence to indicate otherwise. On the statewide riots the CCT reported that several days before the Godhra incident, the excuse used for the attacks, homes belonging to Hindus which were in Muslim areas and been marked with pictures of Hindu deities or saffron flags, this had been done to prevent any accidental assaults on Hindu homes or businesses. The CCT investigation also discovered evidence that the VHP and the Bajrang Dal had training camps in which people were thought to view Muslims as an enemy. These camps were backed and supported by the BJP and RSS. They also reported that "The complicity of the state government is obvious. And, the support of the central government to the state government in all that it did is also by now a matter of common knowledge."[115]
The state government commissioned J G. Shah to conduct, what became, a controversial one man inquiry into the Godhra incident, its credibility was questioned and the NHRC and the National minorities commission requested that a sitting judge from the supreme court be appointed. The supreme court overturned the findings by Shah stating, "this judgement is not based on the understanding on any evidence, but on imagination".[116]
Early in 2003 the state government of Gujarat set up the Shah-Nanavati commission to investigate the entire incident, from the initial one at Godhra to the ensuing violence. The commission has been caught up in controversy from the beginning, activists and members of the opposition insisted on a judicial commission be set up and headed by a sitting judge rather than a retired one from the high court, the state refused. Within a few months Nanavati, before hearing any testimony declared there was no evidence of lapses by either the police or government in their handling of the violence.[117] In 2008 Shah died and was replaced by Justice Akshay Mehta, a retired high court judge.[118] Metha's appointment was controversial as he was the judge who allowed Babu Bajrangi to be bailed, Bajrangi is a leader of Bajrang Dal and is a prime suspect in the massacre at Naroda Patiya.[119][120] In July 2013 the commission was given its 20th extension, and Mukul Sinha of the civil rights group Jan Sangahrsh Manch said of the delays "I think commission has lost its significance and it now seems to be awaiting the outcome of the 2014 Lok Sabha election,"[121] In 2007 Tehelka in an undercover operation had said that the Shah-Nanavati commission had relied on "manufactured evidence" Tehelka editor Tarun Tajpal has claimed that they had taped witnesses who stated they had given false testimony after they had been bribed by the Gujarati police force. Tehelka also recorded Ranjitsinh Patel were he stated that he and Prabhatsinh Patel had been paid 50,000 rupees apiece to amend earlier statements and to identify as conspirators some Muslims.[122] According to B G Verghese the Tehelka expose was far to detailed to have been a fake as some had claimed.[123]
A fact finding mission by the Sahmat organisation and headed up by Dr. Kamal Mitra Chenoy concluded that from the evidence the violence was more akin to ethnic cleansing or a pogrom rather than an instance of communal violence as they would be usually defined. The report said that the violence surpassed other periods of communal violence such as in 1969, 1985, 1989, and 1992 not only in the amount of lives lost, but in the savagery of the attacks.[78][124]
Aftermath
There was widespread destruction of property. 527 places of worship such as, masjids, Temples, cemeteries, dargahs and schools had been either destroyed or damaged.[30] It is estimated that Muslim property losses were, "100,000 houses, 1,100 hotels, 15,000 businesses, 3,000 handcarts and 5,000 vehicles destroyed."[125] In total 27,780 persons were arrested, either for rioting or as a preventative measure. For criminal behaviour 11,167 of which 3,269 were Muslim and 7,896 Hindu. Preventative arrests were 16,615 of which 2,811 were Muslim and 13,804 being Hindu. It was reported by the Concerned Citizens Tribunal that 90 percent of those arrested were almost immediately granted bail, even if they had been arrested on suspicion of murder or arson. There were also media reports that political leaders gave those being released public welcomes as they were given bail. This contradicts what the state government had been saying during the violence, that "Bail applications of all accused persons are being strongly defended and rejected".[126]
According to R.B.Sreekumar police officers who had followed the rule of law and helped prevent the riots from spreading were punished by the Modi government. They were subjected to disciplinary proceedings and transfers with some having to leave the state.[127] Sreekumar also claims that intimidation of whistleblowers and the subversion of the justice system are common practice.[128] Sreekumar also alleged that the state government issued "unconstitutional directives", with officials asking him to kill Muslims involved in rioting or disrupting a Hindu religious event. The Gujarat government denied the allegations, calling them "baseless" and instigated out of malice because Mr. Sreekumar was not promoted.[129]
Following the violence Bal Thackeray then leader of the nationalist group Shiv Sena said "Muslims are a cancer to this country ... Cancer is an incurable disease. Its only cure is operation. O Hindus take weapons in your hands and remove this cancer from your roots".[130] Pravin Togadia general secretary of the Vishva Hindu Parishad(VHP) said "All Hindutva opponents will get the death sentence" and Ashok Singhal then president of the VHP has said that the violence in Gujarat was a "successful experiment" which would be repeated nationwide.[130]
The militant group Indian Mujahideen have carried out attacks in revenge and to also act as a deterrent against further instances of mass violence against Muslims.[131] They also claimed to have carried out the 2008 Delhi bombings in revenge for mistreatment of Muslims, they referenced the destruction of the Babri Mosque and the violence in Gujarat 2002.[132] In September 2002 there was an attack on the Hindu temple of Akshardham, the gunmen carried letters on their persons which suggested that it was a revenge attack for the violence that the Muslims had gone through.[133] In August 2002 Shahid Ahmad Bakshi, an operative for the militant group Lashkar-e-Toiba in an act of revenge over the violence planned to assassinate Modi, Pravin Togadia of the VHP and other members of the right wing nationalist movement.[134]
In 2005 Modi was invited to the US to speak before the Asian-Americans hotel owners association. A petition was set up and signed by academics requesting that Modi be refused a diplomatic visa, Hindu groups in the US also protested and planned to demonstrate in cities in Florida. A resolution was submitted by John Conyers and Joseph R. Pitts in the House of Representatives which condemned Modi for inciting religious persecution. Pitts also wrote to then Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice requesting Modi be refused a visa. On 19 March Modi was denied a diplomatic visa and his tourist visa was revoked[20]
Human rights watch has accused the state of orchestrating a cover up over their role in the violence. Human rights activists and Indian solicitors have urged that legislation be passed so that "communal violence is treated as genocide".[135] Following the violence thousands of Muslims were fired from their places of work, and those who tried to return home had to endure an economic and social boycott.[136]
On 3 May, former Punjab police chief K P S Gill was appointed as security adviser to the Chief Minister.[137] Defending the Modi administration in the Rajya Sabha against charges of genocide, BJP spokesman V K Malhotra said that the official toll of 254 Hindus, killed mostly by police fire, indicates how the state authorities took effective steps to curb the violence.[138]
Opposition parties as well as three coalition partners of the BJP-led central government demanded the dismissal of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi for failing to contain the violence, with some calling for the removal of Union Home Minister L. K. Advani as well.[139]
On 18 July, Chief Minister Narendra Modi asked the Governor of Gujarat to dissolve the state assembly and call fresh elections.[140] The Indian Election Commission ruled out early elections, citing the prevailing law and order situation, a decision the union government unsuccessfully[141] appealed against in the Supreme Court.[142]
Elections were held in December, and Modi was returned to power in a landslide victory.[143]
In 2004, the weekly newspaper Tehelka published a hidden camera exposé alleging that BJP legislator Madhu Srivastava bribed Zaheera Sheikh, a witness in the Best Bakery killings trial.[144] Srivatsava denied the allegation,[145] and an inquiry committee appointed by the Indian Supreme Court drew an "adverse inference" from the video footage, though it failed to uncover evidence that money was actually paid.[146] In a 2007 expose, the newspaper released hidden camera footage of several members of the BJP, VHP and the Bajrang Dal admitting their role in the riots.[147][148] Among those featured in the tapes was the special counsel representing the Gujarat government before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, Arvind Pandya, who resigned from his post after they were made public.[149] While the report was criticised by some as being politically motivated,[150][151][152][153] some newspapers said the revelations simply reinforced what was common knowledge.[148][154][155][156] However there were several inaccuracies in the statements that diluted the impact of the sting operation. Babu Bajrani and Suresh Richard in the statements said that Narendra Modi visited Naroda Patiya one day after the massacre to thank them. However official record shows that Naredra Modi didn't visit Naroda Patiya. VHP activist, Ramesh Dave told Tehelka reporter that S.K.Gadhvi, one of the divisional superintendents of Police killed five Muslims in Dariapur area as promised to him. But the official records show that Gadhvi was only posted in Dariapur one month after the riots. During his tenure no such incident took place in Dariapur.[157] The Gujarat government blocked telecast of cable news channels broadcasting the expose, a move strongly condemned by the Editors Guild of India.[158]
Taking a stand decried by the media and other rights groups, Nafisa Hussain, a member of the National Commission for Women accused organisations and the media of needlessly exaggerating the plight of women victims of the riots.[159][160][161] which was strongly disputed as Gujarat did not have a State Commission for Women to act on the ground.[159] The newspaper Tribune reported that "The National Commission for Women has reluctantly agreed to the complicity of Gujarat Government in the communal violence in the state." The tone of their most recent report was reported by the Tribune as "lenient".[162]
In April 2012, a Special Investigation Team found absolved Modi of any involvement in the Gulberg massacre, arguably the worst episode of the riots.[163]
In his report, Raju Ramachandran, the amicus curiae for the case, strongly disagreed with a key conclusion of the R. K. Raghavan-led SIT: that IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt was not present at a late-night meeting of top Gujarat cops held at the Chief Minister's residence in the wake of the 27 February 2002 Godhra carnage. It has been Bhatt's claim — made in an affidavit before the apex court and in statements to the SIT and the amicus — that he was present at the meeting where Modi allegedly said Hindus must be allowed to carry out retaliatory violence against Muslims. Ramachandran was of the opinion that Modi could be prosecuted for alleged statements he had made. He said there was no clinching material available in the pre-trial stage to disbelieve Bhatt, whose claim could be tested only in court. "Hence, it cannot be said, at this stage, that Shri Bhatt should be disbelieved and no further proceedings should be taken against Shri Modi."[164][165]
Further, R. K. Shah the public prosecutor in the Gulbarg Society massacre resigned as the public prosecutor because he found it impossible to work with the SIT and further stated that "Here I am collecting witnesses who know something about a gruesome case in which so many people, mostly women and children huddled in Jafri's house, were killed and I get no cooperation. The SIT officers are unsympathetic towards witnesses, they try to browbeat them and don't share evidence with the prosecution as they are supposed to do."[166]
Relief efforts
Amnesty International's annual report on India in 2003 claimed the "Gujarat government did not actively fulfill its duty to provide appropriate relief and rehabilitation to the survivors".[87]
The state government initially offered compensation payments of 200,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the Godhra train fire and 100,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the subsequent riots, which local Muslims described as discriminatory.[167] Subsequently, the government set the compensation amount at 150,000 rupees.[168]
By 27 March, nearly 100,000 displaced people moved into 101 relief camps. This swelled to over 150,000 in 104 camps the next two weeks.[169] The camps were run by community groups and NGOs, with the government committing to provide amenities and supplementary services. Drinking water, medical help, clothing and blankets were in short supply at the camps.[170] At least another 100 camps were denied government support, according to a camp organiser.[171] and relief supplies were prevented from reaching the camps over fears that they may be carrying arms.[172]
Relief camp organisers alleged that the state government was coercing refugees to leave relief camps, with 25,000 people made to leave eighteen camps that were shut down. Following government assurances that camps would not be shut down, the Gujarat High Court bench ordered that camp organizers be given a supervisory role to ensure that the assurances were met.[173]
On 23 May 2008, the Union Government announced a 3.20 billion rupee (US $80 million) relief package for the victims of the riots.[174]
Popular culture
Novels
- The 3 Mistakes of My Life written by Chetan Bhagat has backdrop of riots in 2002.
Films
- Final Solution is a 2003 documentary directed by Rakesh Sharma about the 2002 Gujarat violence. The film was denied entry to Mumbai International Film Festival in 2004 due to objections by Censor Board of India, but won two awards at the 54th Berlin International Film Festival 2004. The ban was later lifted in October 2004.[175][176]
- T. V. Chandran made a trilogy of Malayalam films based on the aftermaths of Gujarat riots. The trilogy consists of Kathavasheshan (2004), Vilapangalkkappuram (2008) and Bhoomiyude Avakashikal (2012). The narrative of all these films begin on the same day, 28 February 2002, that is, on the day after the Godhra train burning.[177]
- 2007 film Parzania was inspired by the true story of a ten-year-old Parsi boy, Azhar Mody, essayed in the film as Parzaan Pithawala in the film, who disappeared after the Gulbarg Society massacre. The film traces the journey of the Pithawala family while trying to locate their missing son.
- Firaaq was a 2008 political thriller film set one month after the violence and looks at the aftermath in its effects on the lives of everyday people.
- 2013 film Kai Po Che had the backdrop of 2002 Gujarat violence in end. The film was based on the novel The 3 Mistakes of My Life written by Chetan Bhagat.
See also
References
- Notes
- ^ The 2003 International Report by the US State Department can be found here.[1] It states "The Gujarat State Higher Secondary Board, to which nearly 98 percent of schools in Gujarat belong, requires the use of certain textbooks in which Nazism is condoned. In the Standard 10 social studies textbook, the "charismatic personality" of "Hitler the Supremo" and the "achievements of Nazism" are described at length. The textbook does not acknowledge Nazi extermination policies or concentration camps except for a passing reference to "a policy of opposition towards the Jewish people and [advocacy for] the supremacy of the German race." The Standard 9 social studies textbook implies that Muslims, Christians, Parsees, and Jews are "foreigners." In 2002 the Gujarat State Higher Secondary Board administered an exam, while the riots were ongoing, in which students of English were asked to form one sentence out of the following: "There are two solutions. One of them is the Nazi solution. If you don't like people, kill them, segregate them. Then strut up and down. Proclaim that you are the salt of the earth."
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Margatt, Ruth (2011). Cynthia E. Cohen, Roberto Gutierrez Varea, Polly O. Walker (ed.). Acting Together: Resistance and reconciliation in regions of violence. New Village Press. p. 188. ISBN 978-0-9815593-9-1.
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Significantly, practically all police officers who had genuinely enforced the rule of law to ensure security to minorities had incurred the wrath of the Modi government and many of these persons who refused to carry out the covert anti-minority agenda of the CM were punished with disciplinary proceedings, transfers, by-passing in promotion and so on. A few upright officers have to leave the state on deputation.
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