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According to the University of Arizona history professor Maha Nassar in an article criticizing the historicity of the narratives presented in [[Leon Uris]]' 1958 novel ''[[Exodus (Uris novel)|Exodus]]'', the denial of Zionists' responsibility for [[1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight]], combined with the claim that Arabs themselves were to blame (that rests on [[anti-Arab racist]] tropes present in the novel), constitutes a form of [[historical negationism]], that she names "Nakba denialism".{{sfn|Nassar|2023}} Among the anti-Arab racist tropes, according to her, are the notion that Palestinians lack religious attachment to Palestine, that they lack "modern feelings of national identity", and are easily induced to violence by their leaders.{{sfn|Nassar|2023}} Within the paradigm of [[Zionism as settler colonialism]], she states that such narratives blame the victims of settler colonial violence for their expulsion.{{sfn|Nassar|2023}} |
According to the University of Arizona history professor Maha Nassar in an article criticizing the historicity of the narratives presented in [[Leon Uris]]' 1958 novel ''[[Exodus (Uris novel)|Exodus]]'', the denial of Zionists' responsibility for [[1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight]], combined with the claim that Arabs themselves were to blame (that rests on [[anti-Arab racist]] tropes present in the novel), constitutes a form of [[historical negationism]], that she names "Nakba denialism".{{sfn|Nassar|2023}} Among the anti-Arab racist tropes, according to her, are the notion that Palestinians lack religious attachment to Palestine, that they lack "modern feelings of national identity", and are easily induced to violence by their leaders.{{sfn|Nassar|2023}} Within the paradigm of [[Zionism as settler colonialism]], she states that such narratives blame the victims of settler colonial violence for their expulsion.{{sfn|Nassar|2023}} |
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Historian Michael R. Fischbach defines Nakba denial as a "Nakba counternarrative" with particular roles in Israeli public life and state policy—especially as an instrument of resisting calls for refugee reparations—consisting of the following themes:<ref>{{Citation |last=Fischbach |first=Michael R. |title=12. Nakba Denial: Israeli Resistance to Palestinian Refugee Reparations |date=2021-09-03 |url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.9783/9780812299915-014/html |work=12. Nakba Denial: Israeli Resistance to Palestinian Refugee Reparations |pages=183–200 |access-date=2023-10-23 |publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press |language=en |doi=10.9783/9780812299915-014 |isbn=978-0-8122-9991-5}}</ref> |
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*the "war is war" theme in which the expulsion and flight was an unfortunate but inevitable side effect of Israel defending itself from the invading Arab forces, and that the [[Provisional government of Israel]] was not culpable insofar it did not have a "master plan" of expulsion, while not incorporating subsequent decisions and policies which have ever since prevented refugees' return in weighing the responsibility of the state. |
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*the "population exchange" theme in which Jews and Arabs, seen as the wider Arab world, made an irrevocable mutual population and property transfer (e.g. Jews leaving Iraq also left their property behind), and that resettling of Jews in Israel also came at a great cost. |
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*the claim that Israel has generally been willing to provide compensation, but that this awaits an international mechanism of some sort, which will apportion the funds, while not incorporating the possibility of individual redress, such as through restitution, in light of Israel passing [[Israeli land and property laws|Absentees’ Property Laws]] and Palestinian negotiators not opposing the [[2000 Camp David Summit#Refugees and the right of return|international fund idea during the 2000 Camp David Summit]] (which ended without an agreement); in the case of such "en masse settlement" being implemented, Israel would pay out a sum, and be absolved from any further obligations constituting an "end of claims" clause, closing all legal avenues to individual Palestinians with remaining claims or who do not with to be a part of the scheme. |
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*the belief that the only thing that Israel owes the refugees is property compensation, and not any kind of moral reparations beyond a statement of regret. |
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===In Israeli historiography=== |
===In Israeli historiography=== |
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According to [[Saleh Abd al-Jawad]] Nakba denial has been facilitated by Israeli historiography, as it has "adopted a denial of the Nakba, a negation of the breadth of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated in Palestine".{{sfn|Slyomovics|2007|p=28}} |
According to [[Saleh Abd al-Jawad]] Nakba denial has been facilitated by Israeli historiography, as it has "adopted a denial of the Nakba, a negation of the breadth of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated in Palestine".{{sfn|Slyomovics|2007|p=28}} |
Revision as of 02:06, 23 October 2023
According to some, there exists a form of historical negationism that pertains to the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight.
The 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight was the displacement event that Palestinians refer to, along with its accompanying impacts, as the "Nakba" or "catastrophe".[1] The denial of the Nakba is central to Zionist narratives of 1948,[2] and was largely facilitated by Israeli historiography up until the late 1980s,[3] after which Israel's history began to be reviewed and rewritten by the New Historians.[4] Subsequently, significant volumes of Israeli Jewish literature have emerged intent on "demystifying the past".[5]
Nakba denial has been described as still prevalent in both Israeli and US discourse and linked to various tropes associated with anti-Arab racism.[6] In 2011, Israel enacted the Nakba Law which authorized the withdrawal of state funds from organizations that discuss the Nakba.[7] Israel also hosts grassroots movements, such as Zochrot, that have aimed to combat Nakba denial through direct memorial action.[7] In May 2023, following the 75th anniversary of the Nakba, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas made the denial of the 1948 expulsion a crime punishable by two years in jail.[1]
Allegations of historical negationism
In Zionist and Israeli statehood narratives
According to scholar Nur Masalha, in Israel there is a politics of denial around the Nakba, embodied by statements be the likes of Golda Meir, such as the famous line "There was no such thing as Palestinians".[8] He states that "denial is central to the Zionist narrative about what happened in 1948",[2] further stating that the politics of denial around the Nakba is one of the ways in which the Palestinian "catastrophe" is considered to be ongoing.[9]
According to Middle East researcher Mariko Mori, Israel, in its official narrative justifying the establishment of the Jewish state, has "rarely mentioned the birth of the Palestinian refugee problem and the destruction of over 400 Palestinian villages in 1948, thus deliberately denying Palestinian memories of the Nakba."[4] She states that the mainstream narratives justifying the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight rest on a number of assumptions, including that Palestine was a "barren, uninhabited land"; that Palestinian Arabs were part of a "greater Arab nation" and were not a nation, disputing Palestinian Arab nationalism; that Palestinian Arabs were "rioters and pogromists"; that Jews were returning home (the negation of the Diaspora); and that population transfers were a "justifiable, universal solution to minority questions".[10]
Ahmad H. Sa'di identifies "three modes of denial of moral responsibility for the Nakba: denying or hiding the historically documented violence; neutralizing the moral entailments of the Nakba by shifting the focus to less than relevant issues; and hard-heartedly affirming the facts of the Nakba but denying them any moral import."[citation needed]
According to the University of Arizona history professor Maha Nassar in an article criticizing the historicity of the narratives presented in Leon Uris' 1958 novel Exodus, the denial of Zionists' responsibility for 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight, combined with the claim that Arabs themselves were to blame (that rests on anti-Arab racist tropes present in the novel), constitutes a form of historical negationism, that she names "Nakba denialism".[6] Among the anti-Arab racist tropes, according to her, are the notion that Palestinians lack religious attachment to Palestine, that they lack "modern feelings of national identity", and are easily induced to violence by their leaders.[6] Within the paradigm of Zionism as settler colonialism, she states that such narratives blame the victims of settler colonial violence for their expulsion.[6]
Historian Michael R. Fischbach defines Nakba denial as a "Nakba counternarrative" with particular roles in Israeli public life and state policy—especially as an instrument of resisting calls for refugee reparations—consisting of the following themes:[11]
- the "war is war" theme in which the expulsion and flight was an unfortunate but inevitable side effect of Israel defending itself from the invading Arab forces, and that the Provisional government of Israel was not culpable insofar it did not have a "master plan" of expulsion, while not incorporating subsequent decisions and policies which have ever since prevented refugees' return in weighing the responsibility of the state.
- the "population exchange" theme in which Jews and Arabs, seen as the wider Arab world, made an irrevocable mutual population and property transfer (e.g. Jews leaving Iraq also left their property behind), and that resettling of Jews in Israel also came at a great cost.
- the claim that Israel has generally been willing to provide compensation, but that this awaits an international mechanism of some sort, which will apportion the funds, while not incorporating the possibility of individual redress, such as through restitution, in light of Israel passing Absentees’ Property Laws and Palestinian negotiators not opposing the international fund idea during the 2000 Camp David Summit (which ended without an agreement); in the case of such "en masse settlement" being implemented, Israel would pay out a sum, and be absolved from any further obligations constituting an "end of claims" clause, closing all legal avenues to individual Palestinians with remaining claims or who do not with to be a part of the scheme.
- the belief that the only thing that Israel owes the refugees is property compensation, and not any kind of moral reparations beyond a statement of regret.
In Israeli historiography
According to Saleh Abd al-Jawad Nakba denial has been facilitated by Israeli historiography, as it has "adopted a denial of the Nakba, a negation of the breadth of the ethnic cleansing perpetrated in Palestine".[3]
In the late 1980s, Nakba denial began to be criticized and Israel's history was rewritten by the New Historians, who "dramatically shattered longstanding myths of the 1948 War and Palestinian exodus".[4] Since the 1980s, a considerable body of literature aimed at "demystifying the past" has emerged from within Israeli Jewish society, alongside works, such as Ilan Pappé's that have been "unsettling the picture the founding fathers worked so energetically to paint and to institutionalize the hegemonic account of 1948".[5]
Towards the end of the 20th century, the topic of Nakba denial almost went to trial in the context of the discussion of the Tantura massacre and the 1998 thesis by Theodore Katz on it.[12] Katz was sued by the Alexandroni Brigade, and, in the ensuing legal tussle, half of this legal defense urged him to defend his work and bring forward Palestinian witnesses to speak about the massacre.[12] This defense would have turned the trial "into a case about the denial of the Nakba",[12] but the case was instead closed out-of-court.[12]
In late-20th- and 21st-century public discourse
Nassar cites Nakba denial as a feature of US discourse on Palestine.[6] Sa'di advances the viewpoint that it is the discourse of Jewish supporters of Israel.[13]
With time, the narratives surrounding 1948 have become harder to sustain, and "the first strategy for Zionists", according to Sa'di, was to return to the "old myth" of "a land without a people for a people without a land". Alan Dershowitz's 2003 book The Case for Israel exemplifies this,[14] drawing on the 1984 book From Time Immemorial, a pseudo-historical work by Joan Peters that suggested the majority of Palestinian refugees were not native to Palestine, and that with the 1948 Palestine war they returned to their countries.[14] Through this straightforward "denial of the other's existence, this formulation did away with the colonization-uprooting dialectic".[14]
Within Israeli civic society, there are grassroots movements against Nakba denial. The NGO Zochrot aims to raise awareness of the Nakba by directly challenging its denial through direct memorial action,[7] such as by providing tours to depopulated Palestinian villages, sign-posting sites destroyed in the Nakba, and hosting an annual Nakba film festival.[7] In 2007, when Israel marked its independence day, Zochrot organized a parade in Tel Aviv "to mark the recognition of the right of return", stopping off along the way at neighborhoods built on the sites of former Palestinian villages.[7]
Legislation
In 2011, Israel enacting of the Nakba Law which was according to Kapshuk and Strömbom an attempt to "hamper freedom of expression" surrounding the Nakba, but it inadvertently "increased public knowledge about the meaning of Nakba".[7] In its wake, columnist Odeh Bisharat wrote that some good came out of the legislation, in that "at least, there's no denial of the Nakba. Nobody claims the whole thing is fairy-tale. The Palestinian narrative has won. The narrative that in '48 a people was exiled, by force, from its land, has seared into Israeli and global consciousness."[7]
In May 2023, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas issued a decree defining the Nakba as a "crime against humanity",[15] and making its denial a criminal offense punishable by up to two years in jail.[15][1] The legislation echoed trends in Israel, where lawmakers in the hardline 37th government have proposed outlawing the waving of Palestinian flags.[1] The decree followed a speech by Abbas at a UN event marking the 75th anniversary of the Nakba, where he called for the suspension of Israel's UN membership, and criticized the US and UK for not holding Israel accountable for its actions.[15][better source needed]
Citations
- ^ a b c d The Times of Israel 2023.
- ^ a b Masalha 2009, pp. 39, 43.
- ^ a b Slyomovics 2007, p. 28.
- ^ a b c Mariko 2009, p. 89.
- ^ a b Sa'di 2007, p. 303.
- ^ a b c d e Nassar 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g Kapshuk & Strömbom 2021.
- ^ Masalha 2009, pp. 39, 78.
- ^ Masalha 2009, p. 78.
- ^ Mariko 2009, pp. 95–97.
- ^ Fischbach, Michael R. (3 September 2021), "12. Nakba Denial: Israeli Resistance to Palestinian Refugee Reparations", 12. Nakba Denial: Israeli Resistance to Palestinian Refugee Reparations, University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 183–200, doi:10.9783/9780812299915-014, ISBN 978-0-8122-9991-5, retrieved 23 October 2023
- ^ a b c d Esmeir 2007, pp. 231–232.
- ^ Sa'di 2007, p. 387.
- ^ a b c Sa'di 2007, pp. 304–305.
- ^ a b c MEMO 2023.
Sources
- "Abbas signs decree criminalizing 'Nakba' denial". The Times of Israel. 30 May 2023.
- Esmeir, S. (2007). "Memories of Conquest: Witnessing Death in Tantura". In Sa'di, A. H.; Abu-Lughod, L. (eds.). Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the claims of memory. Columbia University Press. pp. 229–252. ISBN 978-0-231-50970-1.
- Kapshuk, Y.; Strömbom, L. (2021). "Israeli pre-transitional justice and the Nakba law". Israel Law Review. 54 (3): 305–323. doi:10.1017/S0021223721000157. S2CID 239053934.
- Mariko, M. (2009). "Zionism and the Nakba: The Mainstream Narrative, the Oppressed Narratives, and the Israeli Collective Memory" (PDF). Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies. 3 (1).
- Masalha, N. (2009). "60 years after the Nakba: Historical truth, collective memory and ethical obligations" (PDF). Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies. 3 (1): 37–88.
- Nassar, M. (2023). "Exodus, Nakba Denialism, and the Mobilization of Anti-Arab Racism". Critical Sociology. 49 (6): 1037–1051. doi:10.1177/08969205221132878. S2CID 253134415.
- "Palestine president issues decree criminalising denial of Nakba". Middle East Monitor. 31 May 2023.
- Sa'di, A. H. (2007). "Reflections on Representations, History and Moral Accountability". In Sa'di, A. H.; Abu-Lughod, L. (eds.). Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the claims of memory. Columbia University Press. pp. 285–314. ISBN 978-0-231-50970-1.
- Slyomovics, S. (2007). "The Rape of Qula, a Destroyed Palestinian Village". In Sa'di, A. H.; Abu-Lughod, L. (eds.). Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the claims of memory. Columbia University Press. pp. 27–52. ISBN 978-0-231-50970-1.
Further reading
- Albadawi, S. (2017). "Exploring the Issues of Denial and Blame in Relation to the Expulsion of Palestinians from Palestine in 1948". International Humanities Studies. 4 (4) – via ResearchGate.
- Hasian, M. Jr; Hasian, M. (2020). "The Indigeneity Wars: Academic and Public Refusals to Recognize Al-Nakba". Debates on Colonial Genocide in the 21st Century. pp. 77–115. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-21278-0_3. ISBN 978-3-030-21278-0. S2CID 198680568.
- Khy, L. (2013). "[Review of The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory, by Nur Masalha]". Arab Studies Quarterly. 35 (1): 73–76. doi:10.13169/arabstudquar.35.1.0073.
- Lustick, I. S. (2006). "Negotiating Truth: the Holocaust, "Lehadvil", and "Al-Nakba"". Journal of International Affairs. 60 (1): 51–77. JSTOR 24358013.
- Masalha, N. (2012). The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising history, narrating the subaltern, reclaiming memory. Bloomsbury. ISBN 978-1-84813-972-5.
- Rashed, H.; Short, D.; Docker, J. (2014). "Nakba memoricide: genocide studies and the Zionist/Israeli genocide of Palestine". Holy Land Studies. 13 (1): 1–23. doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076.
- Stav, S. (2012). "Nakba and Holocaust: Mechanisms of comparison and Denial in the Israeli literary imagination". Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society. 18 (3): 85–98. doi:10.2979/jewisocistud.18.3.85. JSTOR 10.2979/jewisocistud.18.3.85. S2CID 144892781.
External links
- Denying the Nakba, 75 Years Later: A Democracy in Exile Roundtable. DAWN.
- Nakba Denial. Arab-American Institute.
- Israel denies the Nakba while perpetuating it. Al Jazeera.
- Five things the United States knew about the Nakba as it unfolded. Middle East Institute.
- The Tantura massacre: Challenging Israel's narrative about the Nakba. The New Arab.
- To deny the Nakba is to perpetuate it. The New Arab.
- Erasing the Nakba, Upholding Apartheid: Atrocity Denial in the U.S. Media. Institute of Palestine Studies.