201.252.51.172 (talk) →Early years: He was never in prision during the dictatorship. It wasa an inacurate and not founded fact. |
copyediting, and cutting out some right-wing commentary inserted here as if it were undisputed encyclopedic fact |
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[[Image:Néstor Kirchner y Hugo Chávez-Venezuela-Julio 2004.jpg|thumb|260px|right|Kirchner embracing Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez during the closing of a July 2004 joint press conference held in Venezuela.]] |
[[Image:Néstor Kirchner y Hugo Chávez-Venezuela-Julio 2004.jpg|thumb|260px|right|Kirchner embracing Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez during the closing of a July 2004 joint press conference held in Venezuela.]] |
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Kirchner |
Kirchner is a critic of IMF [[structural adjustment program]]s. His criticisms were supported in part by former [[World Bank]] economist [[Joseph Stiglitz]], who opposes the IMF's measures as recessionary and urged Argentina to take an independent path. According to some commentators, Kirchner can be seen as part of a spectrum of new Latin American leaders, including Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil and Tabaré Vázquez in Uruguay, who see the [[Washington consensus]] as an unsuccessful model for economic development in the region. |
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<ref>BBC News. 18 April 2006. [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4916270.stm Analysis: Latin America's new left axis.]</ref> |
<ref>BBC News. 18 April 2006. [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4916270.stm Analysis: Latin America's new left axis.]</ref> |
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While a critic of [[neoliberalism]], Kichner does not describe himself as an opponent of markets and the private sector. In that regard, Kirchner has cited his work with Lula da Silva in Brazil to open up world markets to Latin American exports and boost trade with China. [http://archive.nacla.org/Summaries/V38I1P6-1.htm] |
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Others have noted that Kirchner, Chávez, Mexico former leftist presidential hopeful and street protester, [[Andrés Manuel López Obrador]] and in Peru, former presidential candidate [[Ollanta Humala]] all followed the Latin American tradition of [[populism]]. |
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<ref>The Economist. 12 April 2006. [http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=6802448 Latin America - The return of populism.]</ref> |
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Kirchner has emphasized holding hold businesses accountable to Argentina's democratic institutions, laws prompting environmental standards, and their contractual obligations. He has pledged not open his administration to the influence of interests that "benefited from inadmissible privileges in the last decade" under Menem. These groups, according to Kirchner, were privileged by an economic model that favored "financial speculation and political subordination" of politicans to well-connected elites. [http://americas.irc-online.org/reports/2003/0306argelect.html] For instance, in 2006, citing the failure of [[Aguas Argentinas]], a company partly owned by the French utility group [[SUEZ]], to meet its contractual obligation to improve the quality of water, Kirchner terminated the company's contract with Argentina to provide drinking water to Buenos Aires. [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/4830720.stm] |
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In a cover story the ''[[Financial Times]]'' in May 2006, reflected that "[[Venezuela]], [[Argentina]] and [[Bolivia]] are seen as forming a radical populist grouping that contrasts with the more moderate left-wing governments of [[Chile]] and [[Uruguay]]". |
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<ref>Financial Times. 8 May 2006. [http://news.ft.com/cms/s/b4f22bf4-dedc-11da-acee-0000779e2340.html Kirchner's image thrived on his rough approach.]</ref> |
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<ref>Foreign Affairs. May/June 2006. [http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20060501faessay85302/jorge-g-castaneda/latin-america-s-left-turn.html ''Latin America's Left Turn''].</ref> |
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Kirchner's increasing alignment with [[Hugo Chávez|Chávez]] became evident when during a visit to Venezuela on July 2006 he attended a military parade alongside Bolivian president [[Evo Morales]]. On that occasion Mr Chávez called for a defensive military pact between the armies of the region with a common doctrine and organization. Kirchner stated in a speech to the Venezuela national assembly that Venezuela represented a true democracy fighting for the dignity of its people. <ref>{{es icon}} La Nación. 5 July 2006. [http://www.lanacion.com.ar/820742 ''Kirchner dejó un fuerte apoyo a Chávez y se llevó un gesto por Malvinas''].</ref> |
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Kirchner's preference for more state involvement in the economy can be seen in measures such as a [[2006 Argentine restriction of beef exports|temporary ban on beef exports]] in an attempt to control domestic beef prices, the nationalization of [[Aguas Argentinas]], a water company controlled by the French group [[SUEZ]] which had been privatized during Menem's administration, or the continued policy of intervention by the Central Bank in the exchange market to maintain a high dollar-peso rate. |
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The opposition to Kirchner questioned the fact that, despite controlling the majority in both chambers of Congress, Kirchner repeatedly preferred to use the legislative faculties of the executive branch, legislating through executive [[decree]]s instead of following the ordinary legislative procedures. Between the start of his term of office and May 2006, from a total of 337 pieces of legislation originating in the executive branch that could be enacted by decree, Kirchner sent only 136 to Congress to be debated, while the other 201 were promulgated by decree. This implies 67 decrees per year, only comparable to the 545 decrees promulgated by Carlos Menem during his ten years of tenure (54.5 per year). Many criticized Kirchner's administration for increasing the concentration of power in the executive branch. As ''[[The Economist]]'' pointed out in an August 2006 article, "Kirchner appointed a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court, then gained an effective veto over lower court nominations ... and on August 3rd, 2006 the Congress gave him authority to reallocate government spending as he sees fit". |
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<ref>The Economist. 12 August 2006. [http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=E1_SNRTDJS Argentina's presidency. Not so super powers. Nestor Kirchner sidelines Congress and the courts.]</ref> |
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Kirchner has been often criticized for his personalistic and confrontational style, which is viewed as a way of obtaining his political goals. This extends to confrontation with sectors of the press; he has accused journalists of defending each other from criticism and acting as lobbyists. <ref>La Política, October 2006. [http://www.lapoliticaonline.com.ar/index.php?pagetype=detail&newid=1371&seccion=1007 Acusan de autoritario a Kirchner].</ref> Kirchner and most of his ministers have refused to being interviewed by the foreign press.{{fact}} As a president, he has only granted one interview to non-Argentine media, to the U.S. magazine [[Newsweek]]. <ref>KeepMedia. [http://www.keepmedia.com/pubs/Newsweek/2004/05/10/499616?extID=10037&oliID=229 Newsweek: The Country It Should Be] (cover story, 10 May 2004).</ref> |
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Kirchner's collaborators and others who support and stand politically close to him are known informally as ''pingüinos'' ("penguins"), alluding to his birthplace in the cold southern region of Argentina. |
Kirchner's collaborators and others who support and stand politically close to him are known informally as ''pingüinos'' ("penguins"), alluding to his birthplace in the cold southern region of Argentina. |
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<ref>{{es icon}} Clarín. 18 January 2006. [http://www.clarin.com/diario/2006/01/18/elpais/p-01401.htm ''Un combate entre "pingüinos" por la estratégica secretaría de Agricultura.'']</ref> |
<ref>{{es icon}} Clarín. 18 January 2006. [http://www.clarin.com/diario/2006/01/18/elpais/p-01401.htm ''Un combate entre "pingüinos" por la estratégica secretaría de Agricultura.'']</ref> |
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Some media and sectors of society also resorted to using the letter ''K'' as a shorthand for Kirchner and his policies (as seen, for example, in the controversial group of supporters self-styled ''Los Jóvenes K'',<ref>{{es icon}} [http://www.jovenesk.com.ar/ ''Jóvenes K''] — Official website.</ref> that is "The K Youth", and in the faction of the [[Radical Civic Union]] that supports Kirchner, referred to by the media as ''Radicales K'').<ref>{{es icon}} Clarín. 12 August 2006. [http://www.clarin.com/diario/2006/08/12/um/m-01251093.htm Los radicales K respaldaron las políticas del gobierno y se distancian de la UCR].</ref> |
Some media and sectors of society also resorted to using the letter ''K'' as a shorthand for Kirchner and his policies (as seen, for example, in the controversial group of supporters self-styled ''Los Jóvenes K'',<ref>{{es icon}} [http://www.jovenesk.com.ar/ ''Jóvenes K''] — Official website.</ref> that is "The K Youth", and in the faction of the [[Radical Civic Union]] that supports Kirchner, referred to by the media as ''Radicales K'').<ref>{{es icon}} Clarín. 12 August 2006. [http://www.clarin.com/diario/2006/08/12/um/m-01251093.htm Los radicales K respaldaron las políticas del gobierno y se distancian de la UCR].</ref> |
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==Criticism== |
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Kirchner has sustained an approval rating of 75% throughout much of his time in office, perhaps making him the most popular leader in all of Latin America. [http://www.coha.org/2006/01/27/argentinas-nestor-kirchner-peronism-without-the-tears/] However, he has been strongly criticized by commentators accusing him of overly concentrating power in the executive and excessive use of decrees. The magazine ''[[The Economist]]'' is among Kirchner's foreign critics. In an August 2006 article, it stated, "Kirchner appointed a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court, then gained an effective veto over lower court nominations ... and on August 3, 2006 the Congress gave him authority to reallocate government spending as he sees fit." <ref>The Economist. 12 August 2006. [http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=E1_SNRTDJS Argentina's presidency. Not so super powers. Nestor Kirchner sidelines Congress and the courts.]</ref> |
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[[Joaquín Morales Solá]], a political columnist for the Argentine newspaper ''La Nacíón'', accuses Kirchner of having a "personalistic style of governing, with a dose of authoritarianism and hegemony, an aggressive style of induced rupture and confrontation." [http://www.coha.org/2006/01/27/argentinas-nestor-kirchner-peronism-without-the-tears/] |
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==References== |
==References== |
Revision as of 16:57, 15 January 2007
Néstor Kirchner | |
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![]() | |
President of Argentina | |
Assumed office May 25, 2003 | |
Vice President | Daniel Scioli |
Preceded by | Eduardo Duhalde |
Personal details | |
Born | Río Gallegos | February 25, 1950
Nationality | Argentine |
Political party | Frente Para la Victoria |
Spouse | Cristina Fernández de Kirchner |
Profession | Lawyer |
25 February 1950), was sworn in as President of Argentina on May 25, 2003. A Justicialist with leftist leanings, Kirchner was previously governor of the province of Santa Cruz. [1]
, full name Néstor Carlos Kirchner Ostoic (bornEarly years
Kirchner was born in Río Gallegos, in the Patagonian province of Santa Cruz. His father, a post office official, was of Swiss descent; his mother, Marija Ostoić, born in Punta Arenas, Chile, was of Croatian background. He received his primary and secondary education at local public schools, and his high-school diploma from the Argentine school Colegio Nacional República de Guatemala.
Early on, Kirchner participated in the Movimiento Justicialista, first as a member of the Young Peronists, whose left-wing radicalism was strongly opposed to the military dictatorships. In the mid-1970s, Kirchner studied law at La Plata National University, receiving his law degree in 1976. He returned to Río Gallegos with his wife, Cristina Fernández,[2] also a lawyer and member of the Justicialist Party (Partido Justicialista, PJ), to practice law.
After the downfall of the military dictatorship and restoration of democracy in 1983, Kirchner became a public officer in the provincial government. The following year, he was briefly president of the Río Gallegos social welfare fund, but was forced out by the governor because of a dispute over financial policy. The affair made him a local celebrity and laid the foundation for his subsequent political career. [3]
By 1986, Kirchner had developed sufficient political capital to be put forward as the PJ's candidate for mayor of Río Gallegos. He won the 1987 elections for this post by the very slim margin of about 100 votes. Fellow PJ member Ricardo del Val became governor, keeping Santa Cruz firmly within the hands of the PJ.
Kirchner's performance as mayor from 1987 to 1991 was satisfactory enough to the electorate and to the party to enable him to run for governor in 1991, where he won with 61% of the votes. By this time his wife was also a member of the provincial congress.
Governor of Santa Cruz
When Kirchner assumed the governorship, the province of Santa Cruz (pop. 200,000) only contributed one percent to Argentina's gross national product, primarily through the production of raw materials (mostly oil), and was being battered by the ongoing economic crisis, with high unemployment and a budget deficit equal to 1,200 million USD. He arranged for substantial investments to stimulate productivity, the labor market, and consumption. By eliminating unproductive expenditures and cutting back on tax exemptions for the key petroleum industry, Kirchner restored the financial balance of the province. Through his expansionist and social policies, Kirchner was credited with bringing a substantial measure of prosperity to Santa Cruz. Subsequent studies showed that the province had a better distribution of wealth and lower levels of poverty than most other provinces, second only to Buenos Aires.
Kirchner emerged as a center-left Peronist, critical both of President Menem's far-reaching neoliberal model and of the syndicalist bureaucracy of the PJ. He attached great importance not only to careful management of the budgetary deficits but also economic growth based on domestic production, rather than financial speculation. He was also considered a progressive in human rights issues, voicing his opposition to Menem's decision in 1990 to grant a presidential pardon to the leaders of the last junta.
Kirchner's tasks as governor were made easier by the modest scale of the province's economic base and its limited labor market. Critics claimed he was no different from most of the other Peronist governors, and when push came to shove, he also relied on personalism and authoritarianism, above all in his handling of the provincial media and appointing his judges. Public control of job positions and a heavily-subsidized economy also lent itself to clientelism typical in the semi-feudal environment of the remote provinces.
In 1994 and 1998, Kirchner introduced amendments to the provincial constitution, [4] to enable him to run for re-election indefinitely. As a member of the 1994 Constitutional Assembly organized by Menem and former president Raúl Alfonsín, Kirchner participated in the drafting of a new national constitution which allowed the president to be re-elected for a second four-year term.
In 1995, with his constitutional changes in place, Kirchner was easily re-elected to a second term as governor, with 66.5% of the votes. But by now, Kirchner was distancing himself from the charismatic and controversial Menem, who was also the nominal head of the PJ; this was made particularly apparent with the launch of Corriente Peronista, an initiative supported by Kirchner to create an alternative space within the Justicialist Party, outside of Menem's influence. [5]
In 1998, Menem's attempt to stand for re-election a second time, by means of an ad hoc interpretation of a constitutional clause, met with strong resistance among Peronist rank-and-file, who were finding themselves under increasing pressure due to the highly controversial policies of the Menem administration and its involvement in corruption scandals. Kirchner joined the camp of Menem's chief opponent within the PJ, the governor of Buenos Aires Province (and later president, 2002–2003) Eduardo Duhalde.
Menem did not run, and the PJ nominated Duhalde. The elections of 24 October 1999 were a major upset for the PJ; Duhalde was beaten by Fernando de la Rúa, the Alianza (opposition coalition) candidate, and the party lost its majority in Congress. Although the Alianza also made headway in Santa Cruz, Kirchner managed to be re-elected to a third term as governor in May 1999 with 45.7% of the vote. De la Rúa's victory was in part a rejection of Menem's perceived flamboyance and corruption during his last term. De la Rúa instituted austerity measures and reforms to improve the economy; taxes were increased to reduce the deficit, the government bureaucracy was trimmed, and legal restrictions on union negotiations were eased.
The 2001 crisis
De la Rúa's measures did not work to stop the economic collapse. By late 2000, Argentina was deep in recession and the government sought help from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and private banks to meet its financial obligations and refinance existing debt. In December 2000, an aid package of nearly $40,000 million[citation needed] was arranged, and the government announced a $20,000 million[citation needed] public works program that was designed to help revive the economy. Despite measures designed to revive it, the economy remained in recession, however, aggravating the problems posed by the country's substantial budget deficit and public debt. Unemployment rose to around 20% at the end of 2001. Ongoing economic problems led to a crisis of confidence as domestic depositors began a run on the banks, resulting in the highly unpopular corralito, a limit, and subsequently a full ban, on withdrawals. International investors by this time had already begun withdrawing large amounts of capital from Argentina, adding further stress to the embattled economy. The IMF insisted that the government meet certain conditions required for further distributions from the fund (including a 10% cut in the government's large budget deficit), with which the government could not or would not comply. With the IMF and private institutional investors unwilling to continue financing the budget deficit, the government effectively ran out of money in late-2001, defaulting on its financial obligations to international creditors.
Nationwide riots, looting, strikes and demonstrations erupted in late December, leading De La Rúa to resign (see December 2001 riots). A series of interim presidents and renewed demonstrations ended with the appointment of Duhalde as interim president in January 2002, to serve until new presidential elections in 2003. Duhalde abolished the fixed exchange rate regime that had been in place since 1991, and the Argentine peso quickly devalued by more than two thirds of its value, decimating middle-class savings and sinking the heavily import-dependent Argentine economy even deeper, but giving a significant profit boost to argentinian exports. There was a strong public rejection of the entire political class, characterized by the pithy slogan que se vayan todos ("away with them all").
The 2003 presidential election
Kirchner's electoral promises included "returning to a republic of equals". After the first round of the election, Kirchner visited the president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who received him enthusiastically. He also declared he was proud of his radical left-wing political past.[citation needed]
Although Menem, who was president from 1989 to 1999, won the first round of the election on April 27, 2003, he only got 24% of the valid votes — just 2% ahead of Kirchner. This was an empty victory, as Menem was viewed very negatively by much of the Argentine population and had virtually no chance of winning the runoff election. After days of speculation, during which polls forecast a massive victory for Kirchner with about a 30%–40% difference, Menem finally decided to stand down. This automatically made Kirchner president of Argentina. He was sworn in on May 25, 2003 to a four-year term of office. [6] [7]
President of Argentina
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/12/N%C3%A9stor_Kirchner_y_Ra%C3%BAl_Alfons%C3%ADn-Buenos_Aires-Mayo_2004.jpg/260px-N%C3%A9stor_Kirchner_y_Ra%C3%BAl_Alfons%C3%ADn-Buenos_Aires-Mayo_2004.jpg)
Kirchner came into office on the tail of a deep economic crisis. A country which once vied with Europe in levels of prosperity and considered itself a bulwark of European culture in Latin America found itself deeply impoverished, with a decimated middle-class and malnutrition appearing in the lower strata of society. The country was burdened with $178,000 million in debt, the government strapped for cash. While associated to the clientelist and feudal-like style of government of many provincial governors and the corruption of the PJ, Kirchner was comparatively unknown to the national public, and showed himself as a newcomer who arrived at the Casa Rosada without the usual whiff of scandal about him, trying not to make a point of the fact that he himself was seven times in the same electoral ballot with Menem.
Shortly after coming into office, Kirchner made changes to the Argentine Supreme Court. He denounced blackmailing on the part of certain justices and pressured them to resign, while also fostering the impeachment of two others. In place of a majority of politically right-wing and religiously conservative justices, he appointed new ones who were ideologically closer to him, including two women (one of them an avowed atheist). Kirchner also retired dozens of generals, admirals, and brigadiers from the armed forces, a few of them with reputations tainted by the atrocities of the Dirty War. [8] [9]
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d2/N%C3%A9stor_Kirchner_y_Roberto_Lavagna-Buenos_Aires-23_de_agosto_de_2004.jpg/260px-N%C3%A9stor_Kirchner_y_Roberto_Lavagna-Buenos_Aires-23_de_agosto_de_2004.jpg)
Kirchner kept the Minister of the Economy of the Duhalde administration, Roberto Lavagna, who piloted Argentina through the unpopular corralito and the painful devaluation, but Lavagna also declared his first priority now was social problems. Argentina's default was the largest in financial history, and ironically it gave Kirchner and Lavagna a certain bargaining power with the IMF, which loathes having bad debts in its books. During his first year of office, Kirchner achieved a difficult agreement to reschedule $84,000 million in debts with international organizations, for three years. In the first half of 2005, the government launched a bond exchange to restructure the approximately $81,000 million of private debt (there were an additional $20,000 million in past defaulted interest not recognized). Over 76% of the debt was tendered and restructured for a recovery value of approximately one third of its nominal value. [3]
Under Kirchner, Argentine foreign policy shifted from the "automatic alignment" with the United States during the 1990s, to one stressing stronger ties (economic and political) within Mercosur and other Latin American countries, and rejecting the Free Trade Area of the Americas. [10] [3]
Kirchner saw the 2005 parliamentary elections as a means to confirm his political power, since Carlos Menem's defection in the second round of the 2003 presidentials did not allow Kirchner to receive the large amount of votes that surveys predicted. Kirchner explicitly stated that the 2005 elections would be like a mid-term plebiscite for his administration, and actively participated in the campaign in most provinces. Due to internal disagreements, the Justicialist Party did not present as such on the polls, but split into several factions. Kirchner's Frente para la Victoria (FPV, Front for Victory) was overwhelmingly the winner, following which many supporters of other factions (mostly those led by former presidents Eduardo Duhalde and Carlos Menem) migrated to the FPV.
On 15 December 2005, following Brazil's initiative, Kirchner announced the cancellation of Argentina's debt to the IMF in full and in a single payment, in a historical decision which generated controversy at the time (see Argentine debt restructuring).
Kirchner was the first Argentine president to ring the opening bell at the New York Stock Exchange. In a meeting with executives of multinational corporations later on, he defended his "heterodox economic policy, within the canon of classic economics" and criticized the IMF for its lack of collaboration with the Argentine recovery. [11] An article in the Wall Street Journal questioned NYSE's choice of a bell ringer, calling Kirchner "anti-market" due to the intervention of the Argentine government in the economy. [12] [13]
Personal style and ideology
![](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/da/N%C3%A9stor_Kirchner_y_Hugo_Ch%C3%A1vez-Venezuela-Julio_2004.jpg/260px-N%C3%A9stor_Kirchner_y_Hugo_Ch%C3%A1vez-Venezuela-Julio_2004.jpg)
Kirchner is a critic of IMF structural adjustment programs. His criticisms were supported in part by former World Bank economist Joseph Stiglitz, who opposes the IMF's measures as recessionary and urged Argentina to take an independent path. According to some commentators, Kirchner can be seen as part of a spectrum of new Latin American leaders, including Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil and Tabaré Vázquez in Uruguay, who see the Washington consensus as an unsuccessful model for economic development in the region. [14]
While a critic of neoliberalism, Kichner does not describe himself as an opponent of markets and the private sector. In that regard, Kirchner has cited his work with Lula da Silva in Brazil to open up world markets to Latin American exports and boost trade with China. [1]
Kirchner has emphasized holding hold businesses accountable to Argentina's democratic institutions, laws prompting environmental standards, and their contractual obligations. He has pledged not open his administration to the influence of interests that "benefited from inadmissible privileges in the last decade" under Menem. These groups, according to Kirchner, were privileged by an economic model that favored "financial speculation and political subordination" of politicans to well-connected elites. [2] For instance, in 2006, citing the failure of Aguas Argentinas, a company partly owned by the French utility group SUEZ, to meet its contractual obligation to improve the quality of water, Kirchner terminated the company's contract with Argentina to provide drinking water to Buenos Aires. [3]
Kirchner's collaborators and others who support and stand politically close to him are known informally as pingüinos ("penguins"), alluding to his birthplace in the cold southern region of Argentina. [15] [16] Some media and sectors of society also resorted to using the letter K as a shorthand for Kirchner and his policies (as seen, for example, in the controversial group of supporters self-styled Los Jóvenes K,[17] that is "The K Youth", and in the faction of the Radical Civic Union that supports Kirchner, referred to by the media as Radicales K).[18]
Criticism
Kirchner has sustained an approval rating of 75% throughout much of his time in office, perhaps making him the most popular leader in all of Latin America. [4] However, he has been strongly criticized by commentators accusing him of overly concentrating power in the executive and excessive use of decrees. The magazine The Economist is among Kirchner's foreign critics. In an August 2006 article, it stated, "Kirchner appointed a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court, then gained an effective veto over lower court nominations ... and on August 3, 2006 the Congress gave him authority to reallocate government spending as he sees fit." [19]
Joaquín Morales Solá, a political columnist for the Argentine newspaper La Nacíón, accuses Kirchner of having a "personalistic style of governing, with a dose of authoritarianism and hegemony, an aggressive style of induced rupture and confrontation." [5]
References
- ^ BBC News, Americas, Country profiles: Argentina. Leaders.
- ^ Guareschi, Roberto. 5 Nov 2005. "Not quite the Evita of Argentine legend". New Straits Times, p. 21.
- ^ a b c Council on Hemispheric Affairs, 27 January 2006. Argentina's Néstor Kirchner: Peronism Without the Tears]
- ^ Official portal of Santa Cruz. Constitution of Santa Cruz Province.
- ^ La Nación, 28 April 2003. El patagónico que pegó el gran salto.
- ^ Office of the President. Inaugural speech before the Legislative Assembly (25 May 2003).
- ^ IFES Election Guide. Election profile for Argentina.
- ^ Washington Times. 22 July 2003. Argentine leader defies pessimism.
- ^ BBC News. 25 May 2004. Argentine revival marks Kirchner first year.
- ^ Worldpress.org. September 2003. Kirchner Reorients Foreign Policy. Translated from article in La Nación, 15 June 2006.
- ^ La Nación, 21 September 2006. El Presidente tuvo 45 minutos para convencer a los inversores.
- ^ La Nación, 20 Sep 2006. Duro editorial de The Wall Street Journal contra Kirchner.
- ^ Clarín, 20 Sep 2006. En la ONU, Kirchner volvió a criticar al Fondo y a reclamarle a Gran Bretaña por Malvinas.
- ^ BBC News. 18 April 2006. Analysis: Latin America's new left axis.
- ^ Buenos Aires Herald. March of the Penguins..
- ^ Template:Es icon Clarín. 18 January 2006. Un combate entre "pingüinos" por la estratégica secretaría de Agricultura.
- ^ Template:Es icon Jóvenes K — Official website.
- ^ Template:Es icon Clarín. 12 August 2006. Los radicales K respaldaron las políticas del gobierno y se distancian de la UCR.
- ^ The Economist. 12 August 2006. Argentina's presidency. Not so super powers. Nestor Kirchner sidelines Congress and the courts.