Anarchism is generally defined as the political philosophy which holds the state to be undesirable, unnecessary and harmful,[1][2] or alternatively as opposing authority and hierarchical organization in the conduct of human relations.[3][4][5][6][7][8] Proponents of anarchism, known as anarchists, advocate stateless societies based on non-hierarchical[3][9][10] voluntary associations.[11][12]
There are many philosophical differences among anarchists concerning questions of ideology, values and strategy. Ideas about how anarchist societies should work vary considerably, especially with respect to economics. There are also disagreements about how such a society might be brought about—with some anarchists being committed to a strategy of nonviolence while others advocate armed struggle.
Contents
Definitional concerns
Anarchist schools of thought encompass not only a range of individual schools, but also a considerable divergence in the use of some key terms. Some terms such as socialism have been subject to multiple definitions and ideological struggle throughout the period of the development of anarchism. Others such as capitalism are used in divergent and often contradictory ways by different schools within the tradition. In addition, the meanings of terms such as mutualism have changed over time, sometimes without spawning new schools. All of these terminological difficulties contribute to misunderstandings within and about anarchism.
A central concern is whether the term anarchism is defined in opposition to hierarchy, authority, the state or state and capitalism. Debates over the meaning of the term emerge from the fact that it refers to both an abstract philosophical position and to intellectual, political and institutional traditions, all of which have been fraught with conflict. Some minimal, abstract definitions encourage the inclusion of figures, movements and philosophical positions which have historically positioned themselves outside, or even in opposition to, individuals and traditions that have identified themselves as anarchist.
Anti-capitalism is considered a necessary element of anarchism by most anarchists.[13][14][15] Usages in political circles have varied considerably. In 1894, Richard T. Ely noted that the term had "already acquired a variety of meanings". In its most general sense, these included the view that society is "a living, growing organism, the laws of which are something different from the laws of individual action".[16] Several years earlier in 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by Ernest Lesigne in his essay on "State Socialism and Anarchism". According to Lesigne, there are two socialisms: "One is dictatorial, the other libertarian".[17]
Ends and means
Among anarchists, there is no consensus on the legitimacy or utility of violence in revolutionary struggle. For example, Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman and Errico Malatesta wrote of violence as a necessary and sometimes desirable force in revolutionary settings. At the same time, they denounced acts of individual terrorism, see Bakunin's "The Program of the International Brotherhood" (1869)[18] and Malatesta's "Violence as a Social Factor" (1895). Other anarchists such as Leo Tolstoy, Dorothy Day and Mahatma Gandhi[19] have been advocates of pacifism.
Anarchists have often been portrayed as dangerous and violent, possibly due to a number of high-profile violent actions, including riots, assassinations, insurrections and terrorism committed by some anarchists as well as persistently negative media portrayals.[20] Late 19th-century revolutionaries encouraged acts of political violence, called propaganda of the deed, such as bombings and the assassinations of heads of state to further anarchism. However, the term originally referred to exemplary forms of direct action meant to inspire the masses to revolution and propaganda of the deed may be violent or nonviolent.
While all anarchists consider antimilitarism (opposition to war) to be inherent to their philosophy,[21] anarcho-pacifists take this further by following Tolstoy's belief in pacifism. Although numerous anarchist-related initiatives have been based on the tactic of nonviolence (see Earth First! and Food Not Bombs), many anarchists reject pacifism as an ideology, instead supporting a diversity of tactics. Authors Ward Churchill (Pacifism as Pathology, 1986) and Peter Gelderloos (How Nonviolence Protects the State, 2005; "The Failure of Nonviolence",[22] 2013) have published influential books critical of pacifist doctrine which they view as ineffectual and hypocritical. In a 2010 article, author Randall Amster argued for the development of a "complementarity of tactics" to bridge the pacifist and more militant aspects of anarchism.
As a result of anarchism's critical view of certain types of private property, many anarchists see the destruction of property as an acceptable form of violence or argue that it is not in fact violence at all. In her widely cited 1912 essay Direct Action, Voltairine de Cleyre drew on American historical events, including the destroying of revenue stamps and the Boston Tea Party as a defense of such activities.[23]
Many anarchists participate in subversive organizations as a means to undermine the establishment, such as Food Not Bombs, radical labor unions, alternative media and radical social centers. This is in accordance with the anarchist ideal that governments are intrinsically evil and that only by destroying the power of governments can individual freedoms and liberties be preserved. However, some anarchist schools in theory adopt the concept of dual power which means creating the structures for a new anti-authoritarian society in the shell of the old, hierarchical one.
Participation in statist democracy
While most anarchists firmly oppose voting, or otherwise participating in the state institution, there are a few that disagree. The prominent anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon stood for election to the French Constituent Assembly twice in 1848. In the 1890s, Paul Brousse developed the concept of libertarian municipalism in Switzerland which involved participating in local elections.[24] Anarchists have opposed voting for multiple reasons. Taking part in elections has historically resulted in radicals becoming part of the system they oppose rather than ending it.[25] Voting acknowledges the state's legitimacy.[26]
During the 2004 United States presidential election, the anarchist collective CrimethInc. launched "Don't Just Vote, Get Active", a campaign promoting the importance of direct action rather than electoral change. Anarchists in other countries often engage in similar anti-voting campaigns and advocate a more pragmatic approach, including voting in referenda.[27] Other prominent anarchists like Howard Zinn and Noam Chomsky have pledged their support for progressive candidates such as Ralph Nader.[28] In addition to merely voting, some anarchists such as Proudhon and more recently Icelandic activist Smári McCarthy[29] have stood for and won elections to national legislative bodies. American individualist anarchist Lysander Spooner argued that voting was a legitimate means of self-defense against the state and noted that many supporters of the state consider both voting and abstention to be acknowledgments of the state's legitimacy.[30] Spooner's essay "No Treason"[31] offers an individualist anarchist rebuttal to the argument that existing democratic governments are justified by majority consent.
During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, there was debate within anarchist circles about whether to take an abstentionist position, vote for independence,[32] or to vote to remain in the United Kingdom, thus anarchists rarely fitted into the easy binary of Yes/No voters of the referendum,[33] with all seeking to go beyond the choices offered at the ballot box. There was also a debate about what Scottish independence would mean for the anarchist movement and social struggle.[34] Groups like the Anarchist Federation in Scotland (mainly in Edinburgh and Glasgow) took a critical stance skeptical of the benefits of Scottish independence.[33][35][36]
Within the United Kingdom, there was considerable debate around the Brexit vote in 2016. Anarchists are traditionally opposed to the European Union, yet the vote was seen as one imposed by two factions of the right-wing.[37] Yet again, there was debate about whether to vote to Remain in the European Union, abstain (some left communists argued for abstaining)[38] or vote to Leave since the United Kingdom government (the Conservative Party) was mostly in favour of remain while UK Independence Party and far-right parties favoured Leave. There was also debate within the left amongst anarchists and those who considered themselves to have a Lexit (Left Exit position).[39] The victory of the Leave side united anarchists whether voters or abstainers against the racist incidents and rise of right-wing populism and neo-nationalism which was considered to have happened following the result of the vote.[40] Many anarchists and anti-authoritarian leftists argue Brexit was negative for social struggles and migrants in particular[41] and considerable efforts were made to analyze why the Leave result happened.[42]
Democracy in anarchism
For individualist anarchists, "the system of democracy, of majority decision, is held null and void. Any impingement upon the natural rights of the person is unjust and a symbol of majority tyranny".[43] Libertarian municipalist Murray Bookchin criticized individualist anarchists for opposing democracy[44] and said majority rule is consistent with anarchism.[45] While preferring the term assembly rather than democracy, Bookchin has in turn been accused of municipal statism, i.e. non-anarchism.[46] Later, Bookchin renounced anarchism to identify himself as an advocate of Communalism.
Violence and non-violence
Anarchists have often been portrayed as dangerous and violent due mainly to a number of high-profile violent acts including riots, assassinations and insurrections involving anarchists. However, the use of terrorism and assassination is condemned by most anarchist ideology, although there remains no consensus on the legitimacy or utility of violence. Some anarchists have opposed coercion while others have supported it, particularly in the form of violent revolution on the path to anarchy.[47]
Some anarchists share Leo Tolstoy's Christian anarchist belief in nonviolence. These anarcho-pacifists advocate nonviolent resistance as the only method of achieving a truly anarchist revolution. They often see violence as the basis of government and coercion and argue that as such violence is illegitimate, no matter who is the target. Some of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's French followers even saw strike action as coercive and refused to take part in such traditional socialist tactics.
Other anarchists advocate Marshall Rosenberg's Nonviolent Communication that relates to peoples fundamental needs and feelings using strategies of requests, observations and empathy yet providing for the use of protective force while rejecting pacifism as a compromising strategy of the left that just perpetuates violence.
Other anarchists such as Mikhail Bakunin and Errico Malatesta saw violence as a necessary and sometimes desirable force. Malatesta took the view that it is "necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies [the means of life and for development] to the workers" (Umanità Nova, number 125, 6 September 1921).[48]
Between 1894 and 1901, individual anarchists assassinated numerous heads of state, including:
- French President Sadi Carnot (1894)
- Empress consort Elisabeth of Austria (1898)
- King Umberto I of Italy (1900)
- United States President William McKinley (1901)
Such propaganda of the deed was not popular among anarchists and many in the movement condemned the tactic. President William McKinley's assassin Leon Czolgosz claimed to be a disciple of Emma Goldman. Goldman disavowed the act, although she did not condemn Czolgosz's motivations in doing it. Goldman included in her definition of anarchism the observation that all governments rest on violence and this is one of the many reasons they should be opposed. Goldman herself did not oppose tactics like assassination until she went to Russia, where she witnessed the violence of the Russian state and the Red Army. From then on, Goldman condemned the use of terrorism, especially by the state, but she still supported most other forms of revolutionary violence throughout her life. In a debate with a pacifist five years before her death, she countered that "the organized force used against the followers of Gandhi has finally forced them to use violence, much to the distress of Gandhi" and concluded that "as a method of combating the complex social injustices and inequalities, non-resistance cannot be a decisive factor" (non-resistance was the term for nonviolence used by Tolstoy and other early 20th century pacifists). Goldman at this time was an information officer for the anarchist militias of the Spanish Revolution which were committed to armed struggle.[49]
Depictions in the press and popular fiction (for example, a malevolent bomb-throwing anarchist in Joseph Conrad's The Secret Agent) helped create a lasting public impression that anarchists are violent terrorists. This perception was enhanced by events such as the Haymarket riot, where anarchists were blamed for throwing a bomb at police who came to break up a public meeting in Chicago. More recently, anarchists have been involved in protests against World Trade Organization (WTO) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) meetings across the globe which the media has described as violent or riots. Traditionally, May Day in London has also been a day of marching, but in recent years the Metropolitan Police have warned that a "hardcore of anarchists" are intent on causing violence. Anarchists often respond that it is the police who initiate violence at these demonstrations, with anarchists who are otherwise peaceful sometimes forced to defend themselves. The anarchists involved in such protests often formed black blocs at these protests and some engaged in property destruction, vandalism, or in violent conflicts with police, although others stuck to non-violent principles. Those participating in black blocs distinguish between violence and property destruction as they claim that violence is when a person inflicts harm to another person while property destruction or property damage is not violence, although it can have indirect harm such as financial harm. Most anarchists do not consider the destruction of property to be violent as do most activists who believe in non-violence.
Pacifism
![](https://web.archive.org/web/20190408123122im_/https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9c/Fight_the_state%2C_not_wars.jpg/220px-Fight_the_state%2C_not_wars.jpg)
Most anarchists consider opposition to militarism to be inherent in their philosophy. Some anarchists take it further and follow Leo Tolstoy's belief in non-violence (note that these anarcho-pacifists are not necessarily Christian anarchists as Tolstoy was), advocating nonviolent resistance as the only method of achieving a truly anarchist revolution.
Anarchist literature often portrays war as an activity in which the state seeks to gain and consolidate power, both domestically and in foreign lands. Many anarchists subscribe to Randolph Bourne's view that "war is the health of the state".[50] Anarchists believe that if they were to support a war, they would be strengthening the state—indeed, Peter Kropotkin was alienated from other anarchists when he expressed support for the British in World War I.
Individualism vs. collectivism
While some anarchists favour collective property or no property, others such as some American individualist anarchists like Benjamin Tucker and Lysander Spooner support private property while opposing property titles to unused land. Tucker argues that collectivism in property is absurd: "That there is an entity known as the community which is the rightful owner of all land, [...] I maintain that the community is a non-entity, that it has no existence".[51] He was particularly adamant in his opposition to communism, even to the point of asserting that those who opposed private property were not anarchists: "Anarchism is a word without meaning, unless it includes the liberty of the individual to control his product or whatever his product has brought him through exchange in a free market—that is, private property. Whoever denies private property is of necessity an Archist".[52] Similarly, Albert Meltzer argued that since individualist anarchists like Tucker promote the idea of private armies, they actually support a "limited State", contending that it "is only possible to conceive of Anarchism which is free, communistic and offering no economic necessity for repression of countering it".[53] Anarcho-communists reject the criticism, pointing to the principle of voluntary association that underpins their theory and differentiates it from state communism.[54] Some individualist anarchists are willing to recognize such communism as a legitimate form. Kevin Carson writes that "free market, libertarian communist, syndicalism, and other kinds of collectivist anarchists must learn to coexist in peace and mutual respect today, in our fight against the corporate state, and tomorrow, in the panarchy that is likely to succeed it".[55]
Some forms of anarcho-communism such as insurrectionary anarchism are strongly influenced by egoism and radical individualism, believing anarcho-communism is the best social system for the realisation of individual freedom.[56] Hence, most anarcho-communists view anarcho-communism itself as a way of reconciling the opposition between the individual and society.[57] Furthermore, post-left anarchists like Bob Black went as far as to argue that "communism is the final fulfillment of individualism. [...] The apparent contradiction between individualism and communism rests on a misunderstanding of both. [...] Subjectivity is also objective: the individual really is subjective. It is nonsense to speak of "emphatically prioritizing the social over the individual," [...]. You may as well speak of prioritizing the chicken over the egg. Anarchy is a "method of individualization." It aims to combine the greatest individual development with the greatest communal unity".[58] Indeed, Max Baginski has argued that property and the free market are just other "spooks", what Stirner called to refer mere illusions, or ghosts in the mind, writing: "Modern Communists are more individualistic than Stirner. To them, not merely religion, morality, family and State are spooks, but property also is no more than a spook, in whose name the individual is enslaved — and how enslaved! [...] Communism thus creates a basis for the liberty and Eigenheit of the individual. I am a Communist because I am an Individualist. Fully as heartily the Communists concur with Stirner when he puts the word take in place of demand — that leads to the dissolution of property, to expropriation. Individualism and Communism go hand in hand".[59] Peter Kropotkin argued that "Communism is the one which guarantees the greatest amount of individual liberty — provided that the idea that begets the community be Liberty, Anarchy [...]. Communism guarantees economic freedom better than any other form of association, because it can guarantee wellbeing, even luxury, in return for a few hours of work instead of a day's work".[60] Dielo Truda similarly argued that "[t]his other society will be libertarian communism, in which social solidarity and free individuality find their full expression, and in which these two ideas develop in perfect harmony".[61] In "My Perspectives" of Willful Disobedience (2: 12), it was argued as such: "I see the dichotomies made between individualism and communism, individual revolt and class struggle, the struggle against human exploitation and the exploitation of nature as false dichotomies and feel that those who accept them are impoverishing their own critique and struggle".[62]
The Right to Be Greedy is a book published in 1974 by an American Situationist collective called For Ourselves: Council for Generalized Self-Management which Black describes it in its preface as an "audacious attempt to synthesize a collectivist social vision of left-wing origin with an individualistic (for lack of a better word) ethic usually articulated on the right".[63] Its authors say that "[t]he positive conception of egoism, the perspective of communist egoism, is the very heart and unity of our theoretical and practical coherence".[64] The book was highly influenced by the work of Max Stirner, with Black humorously suggesting that it was a synthesis of Marxism and Stirner's philosophy which may be called Marxism–Stirnerism just as he wrote an essay on Groucho-Marxism,[65] writing in the preface to The Right to be Greedy: "If Marxism-Stirnerism is conceivable, every orthodoxy prating of freedom or liberation is called into question, anarchism included. The only reason to read this book, as its authors would be the first to agree, is for what you can get out of it".[63]
Altough commonly misconcepted, Marxism rejected egalitarianism in the sense of greater equality between classes, clearly distinguishing it from the socialist notion of the abolition of classes based on the division between workers and owners of productive property.[note 1] Marx and Engels believed that an international proletarian revolution would bring about a socialist society which would then eventually give way to a communist stage of social development which would be a classless, stateless, moneyless, humane society erected on common ownership. However, Marx's view of classlessness was not the subordination of society to a universal interest (such as a universal notion of equality), but it was about the creation of the conditions that would enable individuals to pursue their true interests and desires, making Marx's notion of communist society radically individualistic.[69] Marx was a proponent of two principles, the first ("To each according to his contribution") applied to socialism and the second ("From each according to their ability, to each according to their needs") to an advanced communist society. Although Marx's position is often confused or conflated with distributive egalitarianism in which only the goods and services resulting from production are distributed according to a notional equality, in reality he eschewed the entire concept of equality as abstract and bourgeois in nature, preferring to focus on more concrete principles such as opposition to exploitation on materialist grounds and economic logic.[70] Instead, Marx is a believer in human freedom and human development. For him, the "true realm of freedom" consists in the "development of human powers as an end in itself".[71] As a result, Marx conceives of a communist society as one in which "the full and free development of every individual forms the ruling principle".[72] Hence, Marx justified the forms of equality he did advocate such as the communal ownership and control of the economy on the grounds that they led to human freedom and human development rather than simply because they were egalitarian, writing that in such a society there are "[u]niversally developed individuals, whose social relations, as their own communal relations, are hence also subordinated to their own communal control". This communal control includes "their subordination of their communal, social productivity as their social wealth".[73]
Identity politics
Gender
Anarcha-feminism is a kind of radical feminism that espouses the belief that patriarchy is a fundamental problem in society, but it was not explicitly formulated as such until the early 1970s during the second-wave feminist movement.[74]
Early first-wave feminist Mary Wollstonecraft held proto-anarchist views and William Godwin is often considered a feminist anarchist precursor. Early French feminists such as Jenny d'Héricourt and Juliette Adam also criticised the misogyny in the anarchism of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon during the 1850s. While most anarchists of the period did not take these ideas seriously, others such as Florence Finch Kelly and Moses Harman held gender equality as a topic of significant importance.[75] Anarcha-feminism garnered further attention through the work of early 20th-century authors and theorists including Emma Goldman[76][77] and Voltairine de Cleyre.[78][79][80]
In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group called Mujeres Libres organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas.[81]
Ethnicity
Black anarchism opposes the existence of a state, capitalism and subjugation and domination of people of color and favors a non-hierarchical organization of society.[82][83][84][85]
Theorists include Ashanti Alston, Lorenzo Komboa Ervin and Sam Mbah. Some of these theorists have had past experiences with the Black Panther Party and came to anarchism after they became critical of the Black Panther Party's brand of Marxist–Leninism. Anarchist People of Color (APOC) was created as a forum for non-Caucasian anarchists to express their thoughts about racial issues within the anarchist movement, particularly within the United States. Anti-Racist Action is not an anarchist group, but many anarchists are involved. It focuses on publicly confronting antisemites, racists, supremacists and others such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi groups and the like.
Most modern and historical anarchists describe themselves as anti-racists. Many early anarchists, notably Lucy Parsons (a person of color and formerly an enslaved American), viewed racism as one of many negative side-effects of capitalism and expected that it would vanish in a post-capitalist world. However, among modern anarchists anti-racism plays a more prominent role and racism is typically viewed as one of several forms of social hierarchy and stratification which must be destroyed. No anarchist organizations has ever included racism as part of its platform and many—particularly modern formations—include explicit anti-racism. For instance, American anarchists were alone in opposing racism against Chinese and Mexican workers in the late 19th century and early 20th century. Since the late 1970s, anarchists have been involved in fighting the rise of neo-fascist groups. In Germany and the United Kingdom, some anarchists worked within militant anti-fascist groups alongside members of the Marxist left. They advocated directly combating fascists with physical force rather than relying on the state. Since the late 1990s, a similar tendency has developed within anarchism in the United States.
Anti-Racist Action is one of the largest grassroots anti-fascist and anti-racist organizations in North America today and counts many anarchists among its members. Their tactics, centered around directly confronting neo-fascist and white-supremacist groups, are considered controversial both within the anarchist movement (where they are sometimes portrayed as well-intentioned, but ineffective) and in mainstream society (where they are often portrayed as violent and disruptive).
Many anarchists also oppose the concept of race itself, arguing that it has no biological basis in science and is a social construction designed to divide the working class and preserve capitalism.
A minority of historically prominent anarchists have been accused of racism, e.g. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon[86] and Mikhail Bakunin.[87]
Religion
From Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin to the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists, most anarchists have questioned or opposed organized religion, believing that most organized religions are hierarchical or authoritarian and more often than not aligned with contemporary power structures like the state and capital. Nonetheless, others reconcile anarchism with religion.
Christian anarchists believe that there is no higher authority than God and oppose earthly authority such as government and established churches. They believe that Jesus' teachings and the practice of the early Church were clearly anarchistic. Some of them feel that the teachings of the Nazarenes and other early groups of followers were corrupted by contemporary religious views, most notably when Theodosius I declared Nicene Christianity the official religion of the Roman Empire. Christian anarchists who follow Jesus' directive to turn the other cheek are usually strict pacifists, although some believe in a limited justification of defense, especially defense of others. The most famous advocate of Christian anarchism was Leo Tolstoy, author of The Kingdom of God Is Within You, who called for a society based on compassion, nonviolent principles and freedom. Christian anarchists tend to form experimental communities (such as the Catholic Worker). They also occasionally resist taxation.
Buddhist anarchism originated in the influential Chinese anarchist movement of the 1920s. Taixu, one of the leading thinkers and writers of this school, was deeply influenced by the work of Christian anarchists like Tolstoy and by the ancient Chinese well-field system. In the late 19th century, the Ghadar movement in India (see Har Dayal), influenced by Buddhist thought and by Swami Dayananda Saraswati (founder of Arya Samaj), saw anarchism as a way of propagating the ancient culture of the Arya (not to be confused with the much later appropriation of Aryan identity by Nazism).[88] Buddhist anarchism was later revived in the 1960s by writers such as Gary Snyder; an incarnation of this school of thought was popularized by Jack Kerouac in his book The Dharma Bums.
With its focus on the environment and equality along with its often decentralized nature, Neopaganism has led to a number of Neopagan anarchists. One of the most prominent is Starhawk, who writes extensively about both spirituality and activism.
Discussing the anarchist movement in Britain in 2002, Adam K. has argued that it "has an especially ignorant and hegemonistic perception of the Muslim community" which he attributed to "the [A]nglo-centric nature of the movement". Quoting the statement that "Islam is an enemy of all freedom loving people" from an anarchist magazine, he argues that this is "no different to the bigoted rhetoric of George Bush or even BNP leader Nick Griffin".[89]
Capitalism
Throughout most of its history, anarchism has been defined by its proponents in opposition to capitalism which they believe can be maintained only by state violence.[90] Anarchists generally follow Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in opposing ownership of workplaces by capitalists and aim to replace wage labor with workers' associations. These anarchists also agree with Peter Kropotkin's comment that "the origin of the anarchist inception of society [lies in] the criticism [...] of the hierarchical organisations and the authoritarian conceptions of society" rather than in simple opposition to the state or government.[91] They argue that the wage system is hierarchical and authoritarian in nature and consequently capitalism cannot be anarchist.[92] Conversely, anarcho-capitalists generally support wage labor and some oppose workplace democracy which most anarchists support, claiming that wage labor is voluntary. However, most anarchists argue that certain capitalist transactions, including wage labor, are not voluntary and that maintaining the class structure of a capitalist society requires coercion which violates both anarchist principles and anarcho-capitalism's non-aggression principle itself.[93] Anarchists who support wage labor do so as long as the employers and employees are paid equally for equal hours worked[94] and neither party has authority over the other. By following this principle, no individual profits from the labor of another. Those anarchists describe the wages received in such an employer-employee relationship as the individual laborer's full product and generally envisione that in such a society every worker would be self-employed and own their own private means of production, free to walk away from employment contracts.[95]
Some supporters argue that anarcho-capitalism is a form of individualist anarchism.[96][97] However, most early individualist anarchists considered themselves "fervent anti-capitalists [who see] no contradiction between their individualist stance and their rejection of capitalism".[98] Many defined themselves as socialists. These early individualist-anarchists defined capitalism in various ways, but it was often discussed in terms of usury: "There are three forms of usury, interest on money, rent on land and houses, and profit in exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is a usurer".[99] Excluding these, they tended to support free trade, free competition and varying levels of private property such as mutualism based on occupation and use property norms.[100][101][102] It is this distinction which has led to the rift between anarchism and anarcho-capitalism. Historically, anarchists considered themselves socialists and opposed to capitalism, therefore anarcho-capitalism is considered by many anarchists today as not being a form of anarchism.[103] Furthermore, terms like anarcho-socialism or socialist anarchism are rejected by most anarchists since they generally consider themselves socialists of the libertarian tradition, but they are nevertheless used by anarcho-capitalism theorists and scholars who recognize anarcho-capitalism to differentiate between the two.[104][105][106] Ultimately, anarcho-capitalist author Murray Rothbard, who coined the term itself and developed such philosophy in the 1950s, stated that individualist anarchism is different from capitalism due to the individualist anarchists retaining the labor theory of value[107] and many writers deny that anarcho-capitalism is a form of anarchism at all,[108][109] or that capitalism itself is compatible with anarchism.[108][110] seeing it instead as a form of New Right libertarianism.[108]
Anarchist organisations such as the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (Spain) and the Anarchist Federation (Britain and Ireland) generally take an explicitly anti-capitalist stance. In the 20th century, several economists began to formulate a form of radical American libertarianism known as anarcho-capitalism. This has met resistance from those who hold that capitalism is inherently oppressive or statist and many anarchists and scholars do not consider anarcho-capitalism to properly cohere with the spirit, principles, or history of anarchism.[111] While other anarchists and scholars regard anarchism as referring only to opposition to the non-privatisation of all aspects of the state and do consider anarcho-capitalism to be a form of anarchism,[112] Gary Chartier[113] has joined Kevin Carson,[114][115] Roderick T. Long,[116][117] Charles W. Johnson,[118] Brad Spangler,[119] Sheldon Richman[120][121][122] and Chris Matthew Sciabarra[123] in maintaining that because of its heritage and its emancipatory goals and potential radical market anarchism should be seen by its proponents and by others as part of the socialist tradition and that market anarchists can and should call themselves socialists, echoing the language of American individualist anarchists like Benjamin Tucker and Lysander Spooner and British Thomas Hodgskin.[124]
In particular, Chartier has argued that proponents of a genuinely free market, termed freed markets to distinguish them from the common conception which these left-libertarians (referred to as left-wing market anarchists[125] or market-oriented left-libertarians)[122] believe to be riddled with statist and capitalist privileges,[126] should explicitly reject capitalism and identify with the global anti-capitalist movement while emphasizing that the abuses the anti-capitalist movement highlights result from state-tolerated violence and state-secured privilege rather than from voluntary cooperation and exchange. Indeed, proponents of this approach strongly affirm the classical liberal ideas of self-ownership and free markets while maintaining that taken to their logical conclusions these ideas support anti-capitalist, anti-corporatist, anti-hierarchical and pro-labor positions in economics; anti-imperialism in foreign policy; and thoroughly radical views regarding such cultural issues as gender, sexuality and race.[127][128]
One major issue and divide between anarchism and anarcho-capitalism is the terms capitalism and socialism thesmelves. For anarcho-capitalists, capitalism mean the free market rather than actually existing capitalism (of which they are critics, arguing that the problem rests on corporatism and state capitalism, a term coined by German socialist Wilhelm Liebknecht,[129] but whose concept can be traced back to anarchists like Mikhail Bakunin[130][131] and Jan Wacław Machajski,[132][133][134][135] rather than capitalism itself) as advocated by anti-capitalists[136][137] and socialism is conflated with state socialism and Marxist–Leninist states. However, the term socialism originally included any opponent of capitalism, a term coined in the 18th century to mean a construed political system built on privileges for the owners of capital.[138] Contra anarcho-capitalists, anarchists argue that capitalism necessarily rest on the state to survive and state capitalism is seen as the inevitable result of both capitalism and state socialism. Furthermore, the free market itself for classical economists such as Adam Smith did not necessarily refer to a market free from government interference as it is now commonly assumed or how anarcho-capitalists see it, but rather free from all forms of economic privilege, monopolies and artificial scarcities, implying that economic rents, i.e. profits generated from a lack of perfect competition, must be reduced or eliminated as much as possible through free competition.[139] While anarcho-capitalists who argue for private property which supports absentee and landlordism ownership rather than occupation and use property norms as well as the homestead principle are considerated right-libertarians rather than anarchists (this is due to anarchism generally viewing any absentee ownership and ownership claims on land and natural resources as immoral and illegitimate[140] and seeing the idea of perpetually binding original appropriation as advocated by some anarcho-capitalists as anathema to traditional schools of anarchism as well as to any moral or economic philosophy that takes equal natural rights to land and the Earth's resources as a premise),[141] other anarcho-capitalists are closer to mutualism and are considered part of free-market anarchism which argue that a true free-market or laissez-faire system would be best served under socialism rather than capitalism. As a whole, anarchism is seen part of the socialist tradition, with the main divide being between anti-market anarchists (like anarcho-communists, anarcho-syndicalists and collectivist anarchists) who support some form of decentralised economic planning and pro-market anarchists (like free-market anarchists, individualist anarchists and mutualists) who support free-market socialism. As such, Chartier has argued that anarcho-capitalists should reject capitalism and call themselves free-market advocates,[142] writing:
[I]t makes sense for [freed-market advocates] to name what they oppose "capitalism." Doing so calls attention to the freedom movement's radical roots, emphasizes the value of understanding society as an alternative to the state, underscores the fact that proponents of freedom object to non-aggressive as well as aggressive restraints on liberty, ensures that advocates of freedom aren't confused with people who use market rhetoric to prop up an unjust status quo, and expresses solidarity between defenders of freed markets and workers — as well as ordinary people around the world who use "capitalism" as a short-hand label for the world-system that constrains their freedom and stunts their lives.[122]
Another major issue and divide within anarchism and anarcho-capitalism is that of property, more specifically the issues of private property. By property, or private property, ever since Proudhon's book What is Property?, published in 1840, anarchists meant possession (or what other socialists, including Marxists and communists, distingue as personal property) which he considered as liberty ("Property is liberty") versus productive property (such as land and infrastructure, or what Marxists terms the means of production and the means of labor) which he considered as theft ("Property is theft"), causing him to also say "Property is impossible".[143] However, individualist anarchists like Tucker started calling possession as property, or private property. Anarcho-capitalists generally make no such distinction. Such distinction is extremely important to anarchists and other socialists because in the capitalist mode of production private and personal property are considered to be exactly equivalent. Instead, anarchists make the following distinctions:
- Personal property, or possession, includes items intended for personal use (e.g. one's toothbrush, clothes, homes, vehicles and sometimes money).[144] It must be gained in a socially fair manner and the owner has a distributive right to exclude others.
- Anarchists generally agree that private property is a social relationship between the owner and persons deprived (not a relationship between person and thing), e.g. artifacts, factories, mines, dams, infrastructure, natural vegetation, mountains, deserts and seas. In this context, private property and ownership means ownership of the means of production, not personal possessions.
- To anarchists and socialists alike, the term private property refers to capital or the means of production while personal property refers to consumer and non-capital goods and services.[145][146]
Globalization
Many anarchists are actively involved in the anti-globalization movement, seeing corporate globalization as a neocolonialist attempt to use economic coercion on a global scale, carried out through state institutions such as the World Bank, World Trade Organization, Group of Eight and the World Economic Forum. Globalization is an ambiguous term that has different meanings to different anarchist factions. Many anarchists use the term to mean neocolonialism and/or cultural imperialism (which they may see as related). Others, particularly anarcho-capitalists, use globalization to mean the worldwide expansion of the division of labor and trade which they see as beneficial so long as governments do not intervene. Anarcho-capitalists and market anarchists also see the worldwide expansion of the division of labor through trade (globalization) as a boon, but they oppose the regulation and cartelization imposed by the World Bank, World Trade Organization and "managed trade" agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). Many also object to fiat money issued by central banks and resulting debasement of money and confiscation of wealth. Groups such as Reclaim the Streets[147] were among the instigators of the so-called anti-globalization movement.[148] The Carnival Against Capitalism on 18 June 1999 is generally regarded as the first of the major anti-globalization protests.[149] Anarchists such as the WOMBLES have on occasion played a significant role in planning, organising and participating in subsequent protests.[150] The protests tended to be organised on anarchist direct action principles with a general tolerance for a range of different activities ranging from those who engage in tactical frivolity to the black blocs.[151]
Nationalism
Anarchism has a long history of opposing imperialism, both in the core nations (the colonizers) and the periphery nations (the colonized). In general, anarchists have preferred to focus on building revolutions at home and doing solidarity work for comrades in other countries, e.g. Guy Aldred was jailed for printing Shyamji Krishnavarma's The Indian Sociologist.
Another example of this was Rudolf Rocker, a prominent German anarchist and anti-fascist who was particularly active amongst Jewish workers. In his Nationalism and Culture, he argued for a "federation of European peoples" which would include Jews. Rejecting biological theories of race and rejecting the concept of nation, he argued that since it was European states that had conquered and colonized the rest of the world, successful libertarian organization amongst Europeans was "the first condition for the creation of a world federation which will also secure the so-called colonial peoples the same rights for the pursuit of happiness. Many modern anarchists and other anti-imperialists share this approach.[152]
During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, there was debate within anarchist circles about whether to take an abstentionist position, vote for independence,[32] or to vote to remain in the United Kingdom,[33] thus anarchists rarely fitted into the easy binary of Yes/No voters of the referendum,[153] with all seeking to go beyond the choices offered at the ballot box. There was also a debate about what Scottish independence would mean for the anarchist movement and social struggle.[34] Groups like the Anarchist Federation in Scotland (mainly in Edinburgh and Glasgow) took a critical stance skeptical of the benefits of Scottish independence.[33][35] Scottish anarchists argued that Scottish independence and Scottish nationalism diverted energy away from grassroots struggles and that the movement for Scottish independence sucked people towards Scottish nationalism and electoral politics.[154]
Historically, anarchism was supportive of the anationalist movement as well as of the Esperanto language,[155][156] a language constructed to serve as a politically and ethnically neutral international language. After the Spanish Civil War, Francoist Spain persecuted anarchists and Catalan nationalists, among whom the use of Esperanto was extensive.[157]
Environment
The environment and sustainability have been an issue for anarchists from at least as far back as Peter Kropotkin's 1899 book Fields, Factories and Workshops, but since the late 1970s anarchists in English-speaking world and European countries have been agitating for the natural environment. Eco-anarchists or green anarchists often embrace deep ecology, a worldview that strives to cultivate biodiversity and sustainability. Eco-anarchists often use direct action against what they see as Earth-destroying institutions. Of particular importance is the Earth First! movement that takes action such as tree sitting. The more militant Earth Liberation Front which grew out of Earth First! also has connections with the anarchist movement. Another important component is ecofeminism which sees the domination of nature as a metaphor for the domination of women.
Murray Bookchin's work on social ecology, David Watson's work with Fifth Estate magazine, Steve Booth's work in the United Kingdom publication Green Anarchist and Graham Purchase's writings on green syndicalism have all contributed to the broad variety and scope of green anarchist/eco-anarchist thought and action. Green anarchism also involves a critique of industrial capitalism and for some green anarchists (including anarcho-primitivists) civilization itself.
Relations with the left
While many anarchists (especially those involved in the anti-globalization movement) continue to see themselves as a leftist movement, some thinkers and activists believe it is necessary to re-evaluate anarchism's relationship with the traditional left. Like many radical ideologies, most anarchist schools of thought are to some degree sectarian. There is often a difference of opinion within each school about how to react to, or interact with, other schools. Many anarchists draw from a wide range of political perspectives, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, the Situationists, ultra-leftists, autonomist Marxism and various indigenous cultures.
A movement called post-left anarchy seeks to distance itself from the traditional left—communists, socialists, social democrats and the like—and to escape the confines of ideology in general. Post-leftists argue that anarchism has been weakened by its long attachment to contrary leftist movements and single issue causes (anti-war, anti-nuclear and so on). It calls for a synthesis of anarchist thought and a specifically anti-authoritarian revolutionary movement outside of the leftist milieu. Important groups and individuals associated with post-left anarchy include CrimethInc., the magazine Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed and its editor Jason McQuinn, Bob Black, Hakim Bey and others.
The term post-anarchism was originated by Saul Newman, first receiving popular attention in his book From Bakunin to Lacan, a synthesis of classical anarchist theory and poststructuralist thought. Subsequent to Newman's use of the term, it has taken on a life of its own and a wide range of ideas including autonomism, post-left anarchy, Situationism, postcolonialism and Zapatismo. By its very nature, post-anarchism rejects the idea that it should be a coherent set of doctrines and beliefs. Key thinkers nonetheless associated with post-anarchism include Saul Newman, Todd May, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari.[159]
Some activists calling themselves insurrectionary anarchists are critical of formal anarchist labor unions and federations and advocate informal organization, carrying out acts of resistance in various struggles. Proponents include Wolfi Landstreicher and Alfredo M. Bonanno, author of works including Armed Joy and The Anarchist Tension. This tendency is represented in the United States in magazines such as Willful Disobedience and Killing King Abacus.
Communism
While communism is proposed as a form of social and economic organisation by many anarchists, other anarchists consider it a danger to the liberty and free development of the individual.[160] Most schools of anarchism have recognized a distinction between libertarian and authoritarian forms of communism.[161] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon said of communism that "whether of the utopian or the Marxist variety, that it destroyed freedom by taking away from the individual control over his means of production",[162] adding: "Communism is exploitation of the strong by the weak".[163] Mikhail Bakunin stated: "I hate Communism because it is the negation of liberty and because for me humanity is unthinkable without liberty. I am not a Communist, because Communism concentrates and swallows up in itself for the benefit of the State all the forces of society, because it inevitably leads to the concentration of property in the hands of the State".[164] However, Bakunin was speaking of authoritarian and statist forms of communism and socialism (see also state capitalism and its origins and early uses of the term) as verified by the last line which mentions state property—anarcho-communists explicitly reject state property and authority, especially centralized authority—and famously proclaimed: "We are convinced that freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice, and that Socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality".[165] Even American individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker, who insisted on the voluntary nature of all association and opposed communism along with majority rule, organized religion and the institution of marriage due to their compulsory nature,[166] argued: "Whoever denies private property is of necessity an Archist. This excludes from Anarchism all believers in compulsory Communism. As for the believers in voluntary Communism (of whom there are precious few), they are of necessity believers in the liberty to hold private property, for to pool one's possessions with those of others is nothing more or less than an exercise of proprietorship".[52] Karl Marx's communist society is actually based on free association which he called a community of freely associated individuals.[167] Marx's communist society is one in which "the full and free development of every individual forms the ruling principle" and "the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all".[168] Hence, Marx justified the forms of equality he did advocate such as the communal ownership and control of the economy on the grounds that they led to human freedom and human development, arguing that "the realm of freedom actually begins only where labor which is determined by necessity and mundane considerations ceases; thus in the very nature of things it lies beyond the sphere of actual material production.[169] According to Allen Woods, a communist society is one that has transcended class antagonisms and "would not be one in which some truly universal interest at last reigns, to which individual interests must be sacrificed. It would instead be a society in which individuals freely act as the truly human individuals they are", making Marx's communist society radically individualistic.[69]
Although Peter Kropotkin, one of the leading proponents of anarcho-communism while also opposing statist communism, argued for an economic model of free distribution between all individuals, many individualist anarchists oppose communism in all its forms on the grounds that voluntary communism is not practicable. Individualist anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker, Victor Yarros and Henry Appleton have denied that communism is a genuine form of anarchism.[170] They rejected its strategies and argued that it is inherently authoritarian.[171] In the opinion of Appleton, "Communism, being opposed to natural law, must necessarily call upon unnatural methods if it would put itself into practice" and employ "pillage, brute force, and violence".[172] As a response, Albert Meltzer argued that since individualist anarchists like Tucker promote the idea of private armies, they actually support a "limited State", contending that it "is only possible to conceive of Anarchism which is free, communistic and offering no economic necessity for repression of countering it".[53] Anarcho-communists also reject the criticism, pointing to the principle of voluntary association that underpins their theory and differentiates it from statist communism.[54] Some individualist anarchists are willing to recognize such communism as a legitimate form. Kevin Carson writes that "free market, libertarian communist, syndicalism, and other kinds of collectivist anarchists must learn to coexist in peace and mutual respect today, in our fight against the corporate state, and tomorrow, in the panarchy that is likely to succeed it".[55]
As a response, there emerged in the 1980s United States the tendency of post-left anarchy which was influenced profoundly by egoism in aspects such as the critique of ideology. Jason McQuinn says that "when I (and other anti-ideological anarchists) criticize ideology, it is always from a specifically critical, anarchist perspective rooted in both the skeptical, individualist-anarchist philosophy of Max Stirner".[173] Bob Black and Feral Faun/Wolfi Landstreicher also strongly adhere to Stirnerist egoism. A reprinting of The Right to be Greedy in the 1980s was done with the involvement of Black who also wrote the preface to it.[63] In the book's preface, Black has humorously suggested the idea of "Marxist Stirnerism" just as he wrote an essay on "groucho-marxism",[65] writing: "If Marxism-Stirnerism is conceivable, every orthodoxy prating of freedom or liberation is called into question, anarchism included. The only reason to read this book, as its authors would be the first to agree, is for what you can get out of it".[63]
Hakim Bey has said: "From Stirner's "Union of Self-Owning Ones" we proceed to Nietzsche's circle of "Free Spirits" and thence to Charles Fourier's "Passional Series", doubling and redoubling ourselves even as the Other multiplies itself in the eros of the group".[174] Bey also wrote: "The Mackay Society, of which Mark & I are active members, is devoted to the anarchism of Max Stirner, Benj. Tucker & John Henry Mackay. [...] The Mackay Society, incidentally, represents a little-known current of individualist thought which never cut its ties with revolutionary labor. Dyer Lum, Ezra & Angela Haywood represent this school of thought; Jo Labadie, who wrote for Tucker's Liberty, made himself a link between the American "plumb-line" anarchists, the "philosophical" individualists, & the syndicalist or communist branch of the movement; his influence reached the Mackay Society through his son, Laurance. Like the Italian Stirnerites (who influenced us through our late friend Enrico Arrigoni) we support all anti-authoritarian currents, despite their apparent contradictions".[175]
Notes
- ^ In reality, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels rejected equality as a social ideal and as a permanent yardstick against which social arrangements should be judged. This can be seen in their reaction to the programme of the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (SDAP).[66]
In March 1875, Engels complained in a letter to August Bebel (one of the founders and leaders of the SDAP which in 1875 merged with the General German Workers' Association into the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany) that the programme mistakenly advocated "[t]he elimination of all social and political inequality" rather than "the abolition of all class distinctions". For Engels, the goal of total social equality was impossible and represented the ambitions of an underdeveloped form of socialism, arguing and making the following point as an example:As between one country, one province and even one place and another, living conditions will always evince a certain inequality which may be reduced to a minimum but never wholly eliminated. The living conditions of Alpine dwellers will always be different from those of the plainsmen. The concept of a socialist society as a realm of equality is a one-sided French concept deriving from the old "liberty, equality, fraternity," a concept which was justified in that, in its own time and place, it signified a phase of development, but which, like all the one-sided ideas of earlier socialist schools, ought now to be superseded, since they produce nothing but mental confusion, and more accurate ways of presenting the matter have been discovered.[67]
In Philosophy and Real Politics (2008), Raymond Geuss argues that Marx makes two main points about equality in his 1875 Critique of the Gotha Programme. Firstly, Marx claims that it makes no sense to speak of equality in the abstract because we can only understand what it means for x to be equal or unequal with y if we first specify the dimensions along which they are being compared. For x to be equal to y is for them to be equal in a particular concrete respect. For example, if x and y are people then they can only be judged equal relative to particular criteria such as their height, how many shoes they own, or how much cake they have eaten. Therefore, one can only be in favour of equality along specific dimensions such as equality of cake consumption and never equality as an abstract ideal. Secondly, Marx claims that advocating equality along one dimension such as everyone in a society earning the same amount of money per hour worked will lead to inequality along other dimensions. For example, everyone earning an equal amount per hour of work would lead to those who work more having more money than those who work less. As a result, those unable to work a large amount, if at all, such as disabled people, old people, or women who are expected to do the majority of housework, will be unequal with those who can work more such as the able-bodied, young people, or men. Those doing manual labour and so unable to work long hours due to fatigue will be unequal to those who engage in non-manual labour and so can work more hours. If a society decides to instead ensure equality of income by paying all workers the same daily wage, then there would still be inequality along other dimensions. For example, workers who do not have to provide for a family with their wage will have more disposable income than workers with families. Therefore, we can never reach full equality, but merely move equality and inequality around along different dimensions.[68]
In Marx on Equality (2014), Allen Woods similarly argued that "Marx thinks the idea of equality is actually a vehicle for bourgeois class oppression, and something quite different from the communist goal of the abolition of classes. [...] A society that has transcended class antagonisms, therefore, would not be one in which some truly universal interest at last reigns, to which individual interests must be sacrificed".[69]
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- ^ a b "An Anarchist FAQ: A.3.1 What are the differences between individualist and social anarchists?". Archived 22 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b Carson, Kevin. "Mutualist FAQ: Getting There".
- ^ Baginki, Max (May 1907). "Stirner: The Ego and His Own". Mother Earth (2: 3). "Modern Communists are more individualistic than Stirner. To them, not merely religion, morality, family and State are spooks, but property also is no more than a spook, in whose name the individual is enslaved — and how enslaved! [...] Communism thus creates a basis for the liberty and Eigenheit of the individual. I am a Communist because I am an Individualist. Fully as heartily the Communists concur with Stirner when he puts the word take in place of demand — that leads to the dissolution of property, to expropriation. Individualism and Communism go hand in hand."; Novatore, Renzo (1924). "Towards the Creative Nothing"; Gray, Christopher (1974). Leaving the Twentieth Century. p. 88; Black, Bob (2010). "Nightmares of Reason". "[C]ommunism is the final fulfillment of individualism. [...] The apparent contradiction between individualism and communism rests on a misunderstanding of both. [...] Subjectivity is also objective: the individual really is subjective. It is nonsense to speak of "emphatically prioritizing the social over the individual," [...]. You may as well speak of prioritizing the chicken over the egg. Anarchy is a "method of individualization." It aims to combine the greatest individual development with the greatest communal unity".
- ^ Kropotkin, Peter (1901). "Communism and Anarchy". "Communism is the one which guarantees the greatest amount of individual liberty — provided that the idea that begets the community be Liberty, Anarchy [...]. Communism guarantees economic freedom better than any other form of association, because it can guarantee wellbeing, even luxury, in return for a few hours of work instead of a day's work."; Truda, Dielo (1926). "Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists". "This other society will be libertarian communism, in which social solidarity and free individuality find their full expression, and in which these two ideas develop in perfect harmony."; "My Perspectives". Willful Disobedience (2: 12). "I see the dichotomies made between individualism and communism, individual revolt and class struggle, the struggle against human exploitation and the exploitation of nature as false dichotomies and feel that those who accept them are impoverishing their own critique and struggle."; Brown, L. Susan (2002). The Politics of Individualism. Black Rose Books; Brown, L. Susan (2 February 2011). "Does Work Really Work?".
- ^ Black, Bob (2010). "Nightmares of Reason".
- ^ Baginki, Max (May 1907). "Stirner: The Ego and His Own". Mother Earth (2: 3).
- ^ Kropotkin, Peter (1901). "Communism and Anarchy".
- ^ Truda, Dielo (1926). "Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists".
- ^ "My Perspectives". Willful Disobedience (2: 12).
- ^ a b c d Black, Bob (1974). "Preface to The Right to be Greedy by For Ourselves".
- ^ The Right To Be Greedy: Theses On The Practical Necessity Of Demanding Everything.
- ^ a b Gross, David. "Theses on Groucho Marxism". Archived from the original on 5 April 2010. Retrieved 2 November 2009.
- ^ Marx, Karl (1875). "Critique of the Gotha Program".
- ^ Engels, Friedrich (1875). "Engels to August Bebel In Zwickau".
- ^ Geuss, Raymond (2008). Philosophy and Real Politics. pp. 76–80.
- ^ a b c Woods, Allen (2014). "Karl Marx on Equality". "Marx thinks the idea of equality is actually a vehicle for bourgeois class oppression, and something quite different from the communist goal of the abolition of classes. [...] A society that has transcended class antagonisms, therefore, would not be one in which some truly universal interest at last reigns, to which individual interests must be sacrificed. It would instead be a society in which individuals freely act as the truly human individuals they are. Marx's radical communism was, in this way, also radically individualistic".
- ^ Nielsen, Kai (August 1987). "Rejecting Egalitarianism". Political Theory (15: 3). pp. 411–423.
- ^ Marx 1991, p. 959.
- ^ Marx 1990, p. 739.
- ^ Marx 1993, p. 158, p. 162.
- ^ "Anarcho-Feminism - Two Statements - Who we are: An Anarcho-Feminist Manifesto". Archived 11 October 2006 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Marsh, Margaret S. Anarchist Women, 1870-1920. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981.
- ^ Marshall, p. 409.
- ^ Intimate, p. 94.
- ^ Presley, 1979.
- ^ Presley, Sharon (18 February 2000). "Libertarian Feminist Heritage Series: Voltairine de Cleyre". Anarchy Archives. Retrieved 17 December 2016.
- ^ Falk 2003, p. 195.
- ^ O'Carroll, Aileen. "Mujeres Libres: Women anarchists in the Spanish Revolution". Workers Solidarity. Archived from the original on 26 September 2015. Retrieved 27 September 2005.
- ^ Ribeiro, Pedro. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism.
- ^ "Black Anarchism". Anarchist Panther. Archived 13 March 2008 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ @narchist Panther Zine (October 1999). 1st ed. Vol. 1.
- ^ Samudzi, Zoé; Anderson, William C.; Kaba, Mariame (5 June 2018). As Black As Resistance: Finding the Conditions for Liberation. Chico, California: AK Press. ISBN 9781849353168.
- ^ Schapiro, J. Salwyn (1945). "Pierre Joseph Proudhon, Harbinger of Fascism". American Historical Review. The American Historical Review, Vol. 50, No. 4. 50 (4): 714–737. doi:10.2307/1842699. JSTOR 1842699.
- ^ Bakunin quoted by Shlomo Avineri in Radical Theology, the New Left, and Israel, p. 245–246. "An article in Auschwitz. Beginning of a New Era? Reflections on the Holocaust", edited by Eva Fleishner, KTAV Publishing House, Inc.; The Cathedral Church of St. John Divine; Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1977, p. 241–254.
- ^ Ghadar Movement: Ideology, Organisation and Strategy, Harish K. Puri, Guru Nanak Dev University Press, Amritsar: "The only account of Hardayal's short stay in that island Martinique, comes from Bhai Parmanand, a self exiled Arya Samajist missionary from Lahore, who stayed a month with him there. Har Dayal used that time, says Parmanand, to discuss plans to found a new religion: his model was the Buddha. He ate mostly boiled grain, slept on the bare floor and spent his time in meditation in a secluded place. Guy Aldred, a famous English radical and friend, tells us of Hardayal's proclaimed belief at that time in the coming republic "which was to be a Church, a religious confraternity ... its motto was to be: atheism, cosmopolitanism and moral law' Parmamand says that Har Dayal acceded to his persuasion to go to the USA and decided to make New York a centre for the propagation of the ancient culture of the Aryan." (p. 55) and "the ideal social order would be the one which approximated to the legendary Vedic period of Indian history because, as Har Dayal affirmed, practical equality existed only in that society, where there were no governors and no governed, no priests and no laymen, no rich and no poor." (p. 112), referencing The Social Conquest of the Hindu Race and Meaning of Equality.
- ^ "Anarchist Orientalism and the Muslim Community in Britain". Retrieved 3 May 2007.
- ^ Fernandez, Frank (2001). Cuban Anarchism: The History of a Movement. See Sharp Press. p. 6.
- ^ Anarchism, p. 158.
- ^ Morris, Brian, Anthropology and Anarchism, "Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed" (no. 45); Mckay, Iain, The legacy of Voltairine De Cleyre, Anarcho-Syndicalist Review, no. 44; L. Susan Brown, The Politics of Individualism.
- ^ McKay, Iain; et al. (21 January 2010). "Section F - Is "anarcho"-capitalism a type of anarchism?". An Anarchist FAQ. Infoshop.org. Archived from the original on 5 December 2011. Retrieved 3 December 2011.
- ^ Cheyney, Ryan C. (November 1980). "Social Justice and the Right to the Labor Product". Political Theory (8: 4). p. 506.
- ^ "Individual Liberty: Labor and Its Pay". Archived from the original on 7 April 2005. Retrieved 11 August 2005.
- ^ Bottomore, Tom (1991). "Anarchism". A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Oxford: Blackwell Reference. p. 21. ISBN 0-63118082-6.
- ^ See the following sources:
- Bullosk, Alan; Trombley, Stephen (ed.) (1999). The Norton Dictionary of Modern Thought. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 30.
- Barry, Norman (2000). Modern Political Theory. Palgrave, p. 70.
- Adams, Ian (2002). Political Ideology Today. Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-6020-6, p. 135.
- Grant, Moyra (2003). Key Ideas in Politics. Nelson Thomas. p. 91. ISBN 0-7487-7096-8.
- Heider, Ulrike (1994). Anarchism: Left, Right, and Green. City Lights. p. 3.
- Avrich, Paul (1996). Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Abridged paperback edition. p. 282.
- Tormey, Simon (2004). Anti-Capitalism, One World. pp. 118–119.
- Raico, Ralph (2004). Authentic German Liberalism of the 19th Century. École Polytechnique, Centre de Recherche en Épistémologie Appliquée, Unité associée au CNRS.
- Busky, Donald (2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger/Greenwood. p. 4.
- Heywood, Andrew (2002). Politics: Second Edition. Palgrave. p. 61.
- Offer, John (2000). Herbert Spencer: Critical Assessments. Routledge. p. 243.
- ^ Brown, Susan Love, The Free Market as Salvation from Government: The Anarcho-Capitalist View, Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture, edited by James G. Carrier, Berg/Oxford, 1997, p. 107 and p. 104)
- ^ James J. Martin. Men against the State. p. 208.
- ^ Madison, Charles A. (1945). "Anarchism in the United States". Journal of the History of Ideas. Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 6, No. 1. 6 (1): 46–66. doi:10.2307/2707055. JSTOR 2707055.
- ^ Madison, Charles A. (1943). "Benjamin R. Tucker: Individualist and Anarchist". New England Quarterly. The New England Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 3. 16 (3): 444–467. doi:10.2307/361029. JSTOR 361029.
- ^ Non-capitalist market anarchists support private possession along Warren's, Proudhon's, or similar lines. In contrast, anarcho-capitalists support private property along Lockean or similar lines.
- ^ As Peter Marshall notes in his history of anarchism, "few anarchists would accept the 'anarcho-capitalists' into the anarchist camp since they do not share a concern for economic equality and social justice." Demanding the Impossible, p. 565.
- ^ Busky, Donald F. (1 January 2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 2. ISBN 9780275968861.
The same may be said of anarchism: social anarchism—a nonstate form of socialism—may be distinguished from the nonsocialist, and, in some cases, procapitalist school of individualist anarchism.
- ^ Ostergaard, Geoffrey (2008). "Anarchism". The Blackwell Dictionary of Modern Social Thought. Blackwell Publishing. p. 14.
- ^ Byldun, Per (19 March 2019). "The Trouble With Socialist Anarchism". Mises Institute. Retrieved 31 March 2019.
- ^ Rothbard, Murray. "Are Libertarians 'Anarchists'?". LewRockwell.com.
- ^ a b c Marshall, Peter (1993). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. Oakland, California: PM Press. p. 565. ISBN 978-1-60486-064-1.: "In fact, few anarchists would accept the 'anarcho-capitalists' into the anarchist camp since they do not share a concern for economic equality and social justice, Their self-interested, calculating market men would be incapable of practising voluntary co-operation and mutual aid. Anarcho-capitalists, even if they do reject the State, might therefore best be called right-wing libertarians rather than anarchists."; Sabatini, Peter (Fall/Winter 1994–1995). "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy". Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed (41). "Within Libertarianism, Rothbard represents a minority perspective that actually argues for the total elimination of the state. However Rothbard's claim as an anarchist is quickly voided when it is shown that he only wants an end to the public state. In its place he allows countless private states, with each person supplying their own police force, army, and law, or else purchasing these services from capitalist venders. [...] [S]o what remains is shrill anti-statism conjoined to a vacuous freedom in hackneyed defense of capitalism. In sum, the "anarchy" of Libertarianism reduces to a liberal fraud."; Meltzer, Albert (1 January 2000). Anarchism: Arguments for and Against. AK Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-873176-57-3. "The philosophy of "anarcho-capitalism" dreamed up by the "libertarian" New Right, has nothing to do with Anarchism as known by the Anarchist movement proper."; Goodway, David (2006). Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow. Liverpool Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-1-84631-025-6.: "'Libertarian' and 'libertarianism' are frequently employed by anarchists as synonyms for 'anarchist' and 'anarchism', largely as an attempt to distance themselves from the negative connotations of 'anarchy' and its derivatives. The situation has been vastly complicated in recent decades with the rise of anarcho-capitalism, 'minimal statism' and an extreme right-wing laissez-faire philosophy advocated by such theorists as Murray Rothbard and Robert Nozick and their adoption of the words 'libertarian' and 'libertarianism'. It has therefore now become necessary to distinguish between their right libertarianism and the left libertarianism of the anarchist tradition."; Newman, Saul (2010). The Politics of Postanarchism. Edinburgh University Press. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-7486-3495-8.: "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in a laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only a narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all".
- ^ See also the following sources:
- K, David (2005). What is Anarchism?. Bastard Press.
- Marshall, Peter (1992). Demanding the Impossible. Chapther 38. London: Fontana Press. ISBN 0-00-686245-4.
- MacSaorsa, Iain (2009). Is 'Anarcho' Capitalism Against the State?. Spunk Press.
- Wells, Sam (January 1979). Anarcho-Capitalism is Not Anarchism, and Political Competition is Not Economic Competition. Frontlines 1.
- ^ See also the following sources:
- Peikoff, Leonard (1991). Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand. Chapter "Government". Dutton Adult.
- Doyle, Kevin (2002). Crypto Anarchy, Cyberstates, and Pirate Utopias. New York: Lexington Books. pp. 447–448.
- Sheehan, Seán M. (2003). Anarchism Reaktion Books. p. 17.
- Kelsen, Hans (1988). The Communist Theory of Law. Wm. S. Hein Publishing. p. 110.
- Tellegen, Egbert; Wolsink, Maarten (1998). Society and Its Environment: an introduction. Routledge. p. 64.
- Jones, James (2004). The Merry Month of May. Akashic Books. pp. 37–38.
- Sparks, Chris. Isaacs, Stuart (2004). Political Theorists in Context. Routledge. p. 238.
- Bookchin, Murray (2004). Post-Scarcity Anarchism. AK Press. p. 37.
- Berkman, Alexander (2005). Life of an Anarchist. Seven Stories Press. p. 268.
- ^ Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible; John Clark, The Anarchist Moment; Albert Meltzer, Anarchism: Arguments for and Against; Noam Chomsky, Understanding Power, David Weick, Anarchist Justice; Brian Morris, "Anthropology and Anarchism," Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed (no. 45); Peter Sabatini, Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy; Donald Rooum, What is Anarchism?; Bob Black, Libertarian as Conservative
- ^ 1) Perlin, Terry M. Contemporary Anarchism. Transaction Books, New Brunswick, NJ 1979, p. 7. 2) Sylvan, Richard. Anarchism. A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, editors Goodin, Robert E. and Pettit, Philip. Blackwell Publishing, 1995, p.231.
- ^ Chartier, Gary (2009). Economic Justice and Natural Law. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
- ^ Carson, Kevin A. (2008). Organization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective. Charleston, SC:BookSurge.
- ^ Carson, Kevin A. (2010). The Homebrew Industrial Revolution: A Low-Overhead Manifesto. Charleston, SC: BookSurge.
- ^ Long, Roderick T. (2000). Reason and Value: Aristotle versus Rand. Washington, DC:Objectivist Center
- ^ Long, Roderick T. (2008). "An Interview With Roderick Long"
- ^ Johnson, Charles W. (2008). "Liberty, Equality, Solidarity: Toward a Dialectical Anarchism." Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country? In Long, Roderick T. and Machan, Tibor Aldershot: Ashgate pp. 155–88.
- ^ Spangler, Brad (15 September 2006). "Market Anarchism as Stigmergic Socialism Archived 10 May 2011 at Archive.today.
- ^ Richman, Sheldon (23 June 2010). "Why Left-Libertarian?" The Freeman. Foundation for Economic Education.
- ^ Richman, Sheldon (18 December 2009). "Workers of the World Unite for a Free Market" Archived 22 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine." Foundation for Economic Education.
- ^ a b c Sheldon Richman (3 February 2011). "Libertarian Left: Free-market anti-capitalism, the unknown ideal." The American Conservative. Retrieved 5 March 2012.
- ^ Sciabarra, Chris Matthew (2000). Total Freedom: Toward a Dialectical Libertarianism. University Park, PA:Pennsylvania State University Press.
- ^ See Gary Chartier, "Advocates of Freed Markets Should Oppose Capitalism," "Free-Market Anti-Capitalism?" session, annual conference, Association of Private Enterprise Education (Cæsar's Palace, Las Vegas, NV, April 13, 2010); Gary Chartier, "Advocates of Freed Markets Should Embrace 'Anti-Capitalism'"; Gary Chartier, Socialist Ends, Market Means: Five Essays. Cp. Tucker, "Socialism."
- ^ Chartier, Gary; Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Brooklyn, NY:Minor Compositions/Autonomedia. pp. 1–16.
- ^ Gillis, William (2011). "The Freed Market." In Chartier, Gary and Johnson, Charles. Markets Not Capitalism. Brooklyn, NY: Minor Compositions/Autonomedia. pp. 19–20.
- ^ Gary Chartier and Charles W. Johnson (eds). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Minor Compositions; 1st edition (November 5, 2011
- ^ See Gary Chartier, "Advocates of Freed Markets Should Oppose Capitalism," "Free-Market Anti-Capitalism?" session, annual conference, Association of Private Enterprise Education (Cæsar's Palace, Las Vegas, NV, April 13, 2010); Gary Chartier, "Advocates of Freed Markets Should Embrace 'Anti-Capitalism'"; Gary Chartier, Socialist Ends, Market Means: Five Essays. Cp. Tucker, "Socialism."
- ^ Liebknecht, Wilhelm (1896). "Our Recent Congress". Justice. Retrieved 31 May 2007.
- ^ Gouldner, A. W. (November 1982). "Marx's Last Battle: Bakunin and the First International". Theory and Society. (11: 6). pp. 853–884. Gouldner argues that Bakunin formulated an original critique of Marxism as "the ideology, not of the working class, but of a new class of scientific intelligentsia—who would corrupt socialism, make themselves a new elite, and impose their rule on the majority" (pp. 860–861).
- ^ Slavic Review (50: 1) (Spring 1991). pp. 127–143.
- ^ Bottomore, Thomas B. (1964). Elites and Society p. 54.
- ^ Shatz, Marshall S. "Jan Waclaw Machajski: A Radical Critic Of The Russian Intelligentsia And Socialism". Archived from the original on 26 October 2009. Retrieved 26 October 2009.CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link)
- ^ Fox, Michael S. "Ante Ciliga, Trotskii and State Capitalism: Theory, Tactics and Reevaluation during the Purge Era, 1935-1939" (PDF). Archived from the original on 27 October 2009. Retrieved 27 October 2009.CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link)
- ^ "Why is state socialism just state capitalism?". Archived 19 December 2009 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Makdisi, Saree; Casarino, Cesare; Karl, Rebecca E. (1996). Marxism Beyond Marxism. Routledge. p. 198.
- ^ Sayers, Sean (1998). Marxism and Human Nature. Routledge. p. 105.
- ^ Braudel, Fernand (1979). The Wheels of Commerce: Civilization and Capitalism 15th–18th Century. Harper & Row.
- ^ Popper, Karl (1994). The Open Society and Its Enemies. Routledge Classics. ISBN 978-0-415-61021-6.
- ^ McElroy, Wendy (1995). "Intellectual Property: The Late Nineteenth Century Libertarian Debate". Libertarian Heritage (14). ISBN 1-85637-281-2. Retrieved 24 June 2005.
- ^ Birch, Paul (1998). "Anarcho-capitalism Dissolves Into City States" (PDF). Libertarian Alliance. Legal Notes. no. 28: 4. ISSN 0267-7083. Retrieved 5 July 2010.
- ^ "Advocates of Freed Markets Should Embrace "Anti-Capitalism".
- ^ Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph (1840). What is Property? Or, an Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government.
- ^ Friedland, William H.; Rosberg, Carl G. (1965). African Socialism. Stanford University Press. p. 25. ISBN 978-0804702034.
- ^ "B.3 Why are anarchists against private property? - Anarchist Writers". Archived from the original on 14 November 2017. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
- ^ "End Private Property, Not Kenny Loggins". Jacobin. Archived from the original on 26 October 2017. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
- ^ "Reclaim the Streets" Donnacha DeLong, RTÉ News Online 2002. Retrieved 5 September 2006.
- ^ "The New Anarchists", Graeber, David, New Left Review 13, January–February 2002. Retrieved 6 September 2006.
- ^ "G8 Summit - J18: Global Carnival Against Corporate Tyranny, London, England", C. L. Staten, EmergencyNet News journalist, writing for RTÉ's website in 2002. Retrieved 5 September 2006
- ^ WOMBLES wandering free Josie Appleton, spiked-politics, 2002. Retrieved 5 September 2006.
- ^ "Anarchism as a Scapegoat of the 21st century: violence, anarchism and anti-globalisation protests", Thrall issue #21, 2001. Retrieved 5 September 2006.
- ^ "Precarity, or Why 69 is Pink (w/Mondo Foti!)". Daily Kos. Retrieved 3 May 2007.
- ^ Afedscotland (2014-09-18). "Referendum rant from an immigrant". AFed Scotland. Retrieved 2016-12-19.
- ^ "The SNP, Scottish Nationalism, and the Class Struggle: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow". AFed Scotland. Retrieved 19 December 2016.
- ^ Firth, Will. "Esperanto kaj anarkiismo". "Anarkiistoj estis inter la pioniroj de la disvastigo de Esperanto. En 1905 fondiĝis en Stokholmo la unua anarkiisma Esperanto-grupo. Sekvis multaj aliaj: en Bulgario, Ĉinio kaj aliaj landoj. Anarkiistoj kaj anarki-sindikatistoj, kiuj antaŭ la Unua Mondmilito apartenis al la nombre plej granda grupo inter la proletaj esperantistoj, fondis en 1906 la internacian ligon Paco-Libereco, kiu eldonis la Internacian Socian Revuon. Paco-libereco unuiĝis en 1910 kun alia progresema asocio, Esperantista Laboristaro. La komuna organizaĵo nomiĝis Liberiga Stelo. Ĝis 1914 tiu organizaĵo eldonis multe da revolucia literaturo en Esperanto, interalie ankaŭ anarkiisma. Tial povis evolui en la jaroj antaŭ la Unua Mondmilito ekzemple vigla korespondado inter eŭropaj kaj japanaj anarkiistoj. En 1907 la Internacia Anarkiisma Kongreso en Amsterdamo faris rezolucion pri la afero de internacia lingvo, kaj venis dum la postaj jaroj similaj kongresaj rezolucioj. Esperantistoj, kiuj partoprenis tiujn kongresojn, okupiĝis precipe pri la internaciaj rilatoj de la anarkiistoj".
- ^ "El Movimiento naturista". Archived from the original on 20 March 2012. Retrieved 3 June 2014. "Proliferarán así diversos grupos que practicarán el excursionismo, el naturismo, el nudismo, la emancipación sexual o el esperantismo, alrededor de asociaciones informales vinculadas de una manera o de otra al anarquismo. Precisamente las limitaciones a las asociaciones obreras impuestas desde la legislación especial de la Dictadura potenciarán indirectamente esta especie de asociacionismo informal en que confluirá el movimiento anarquista con esta heterogeneidad de prácticas y tendencias. Uno de los grupos más destacados, que será el impulsor de la revista individualista Ética será el Ateneo Naturista Ecléctico, con sede en Barcelona, con sus diferentes secciones la más destacada de las cuales será el grupo excursionista Sol y Vida."; "La insumisión voluntaria. El anarquismo individualista español durante la Dictadura y la Segunda República (1923-1938)" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 June 2013. Retrieved 6 May 2011.
- ^ del Barrio, Toño; Lins, Ulrich. La utilización del esperanto durante la Guerra Civil Española. Paper for the International Congress on the Spanish Civil War (Madrid, 27–29 November 2006).
- ^ Harper, Clifford, ed. (1994). Prolegomena: To a Study of the Return of the Repressed in History. London: Rebel Press. ISBN 0-946061-13-0.
- ^ "Post anarchist clearing house".
- ^ Kropotkin, Peter, "Communism and Anarchy".
- ^ Liberty (Not the Daughter but the Mother of Order) (1881-1908); 3 September 1881; 1, 3; APS Online, p. 3; Tucker uses the terms "voluntary" and "compulsory" communisms. Some market anarchists reject the distinction.
- ^ "Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph" (2006). Encyclopædia Britannica.
- ^ Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. "What Is Property?" ISBN 1-4191-9353-8 p. 221.
- ^ Quoted in Paul Thomas, Karl Marx and the Anarchists, Routledge (1980), p. 303.
- ^ Maximov, G. P., ed. (1953).The Political Philosophy of Bakunin. New York: The Free Press. p. 269.
- ^ Madison, Charles A. "Anarchism in the United States". Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol 6, No 1, January 1945, p. 56.
- ^ Marx, Karl (1846). The German Ideology. "It follows from all we have been saying up till now that the communal relationship into which the individuals of a class entered, and which was determined by their common interests over against a third party, was always a community to which these individuals belonged only as average individuals, only insofar as they lived within the conditions of existence of their class — a relationship in which they participated not as individuals but as members of a class. With the community of revolutionary proletarians, on the other hand, who take their conditions of existence [...] under their control, it is just the reverse; it is as individuals that the individuals participate in it. [...] Communism differs from all previous movements in that it overturns the basis of all earlier relations of production and intercourse, and for the first time consciously treats all natural premises as the creatures of hitherto existing men, strips them of their natural character and subjugates them to the power of the united individuals. Its organization is, therefore, essentially economic, the material production of the conditions of this unity; it turns existing conditions into conditions of unity. The reality, which communism is creating, is precisely the true basis for rendering it impossible that anything should exist independently of individuals, insofar as reality is only a product of the preceding intercourse of individuals themselves".
- ^ Marx, Karl (1848). The Communist Manifesto. "Chapther II. Proletarians and Communists".
- ^ Marx, Karl (1894). Capital, Volume III. "Part VII. Revenues and their Sources".
- ^ For instance, Benjamin Tucker says: "Yes, genuine Anarchism is consistent Manchesterism, and Communistic or pseudo-Anarchism is inconsistent Manchesterism". Tucker, Benjamin. "Labor and Its Pay". Archived 2005-04-07 at the Wayback Machine. From Individual Liberty: selections from the writings of Benjamin T. Tucker); Victor Yarros says: "There is no logical justification, no rational explanation, and no scientific reasoning has been, is, will be, or can be advanced in defence of that unimaginable impossibility, Communistic Anarchism". Yarros, Victor S. "A Princely Paradox". Archived 27 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine. Liberty. Vol 4. No. 19. Saturday, 9 April 1887, whole number 97. Henry Appleton says: "All Communism, under whatever guise, is the natural enemy of Anarchism, and a Communist sailing under the flag of Anarchism is as false a figure as could be invented". Appleton, Henry. "Anarchism, True and False". Liberty 2.24. no. 50. 6 September 1884. p. 4.; Clarence Lee Swartz says: "One of the tests of any reform movement with regard to personal liberty is this: Will the movement prohibit or abolish private property? If it does, it is an enemy of liberty. For one of the most important criteria of freedom is the right to private property in the products of ones labor. State Socialists, Communists, Syndicalists and Communist-Anarchists deny private property". Swartz, Clarence Lee. "What is Mutualism?".
- ^ Brooks, Frank H. (ed) (1994) The Individualist Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881-1908), Transaction Publishers, p. 76.
- ^ Appleton, Henry. "The Boston Anarchists". Archived 2005-12-14 at the Wayback Machine. Liberty, Vol. 4, No. 3, May 26, 1886, Whole No. 81.
- ^ "What is Ideology?" by Jason McQuinn
- ^ Bey, Hakim (1994). Immediatism. AK Press. p. 4. Archived 5 December 2009 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "An esoteric interpretation of the I.W.W. preamble". The Anarchist Library. Archived from the original on 7 October 2011. Retrieved 3 October 2011.
Further reading
- Gordon, Uri (2007). Anarchy Alive!: Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory. Sydney: Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-2683-2. OCLC 154769337.
- "Anarchism and Political Theory: Contemporary Problems".
- "Contemporary anarchism".
External links
Media related to Issues in anarchism at Wikimedia Commons