Muhammad Rashid Rida | |
---|---|
محمد رشید رضا | |
Rashid Rida | |
Personal | |
Born | [1] or 17 October 1865[2] | 23 September 1865
Died | 22 August 1935[2] | (aged 69)
Religion | Islam |
Nationality | Ottoman (1865-1922) Egyptian (1922-1935) |
Denomination | Sunni |
Creed | Athari[3] |
Movement | Salafiyyah[4][5][6][7] |
Notable work(s) | Tafsir al-Manar |
Muslim leader | |
Influenced by | |
Influenced |
Muhammad Rashid Rida (Arabic: محمد رشيد رضا, romanized: Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā; 23 September 1865[1] or 18 October 1865[2] – 22 August 1935)[2] was an early Islamic reformer. Rida is said to have been one of the most influential and controversial scholars of his generation[9] and was influenced by the movement for Islamic Modernism founded in Egypt by Muhammad Abduh.[10][11] However, unlike Abduh, Rida was a staunch supporter of Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn Abdul Wahhab and scholars of Najd[12] and was the leader of the early Salafiyya movement.[13]
Rida was born near Tripoli in Al-Qalamoun in Beirut Vilayet. His early education consisted of training in "traditional Islamic subjects". In 1884–5 he was first exposed to al-`Urwa al-wuthqa, the journal of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh. In 1897 he left Syria for Cairo to collaborate with Abduh. The following year Rida launched al-Manar, a weekly and then monthly journal comprising Quranic commentary.[14]
Views
On Taqleed
Rashid Rida, was a leading exponent of Salafism [15] and was especially critical of what he termed "blind following" of excessive Sufism. He encouraged both laymen and scholars to interpret the primary sources of Islam themselves.[16] Applying this principle enabled Rida to tackle a number of subjects in a modern way and sometimes led to him holding unorthodox ideas that were considered controversial by some and progressive by others.
On Zionism
Muhammad Rashid Rida was one of the earliest critics of Zionism and wrote an article on the Movement as early as 1898.[17] In the first decades of the twentieth century, the Zionist plan to create a Jewish state in Palestine was a source of concern in the Islamic World. Rida did not limit his attacks on Zionism, but directed them to Jews in general. In the first of two articles entitled “Thawrat Filistin” (The Palestine Revolution), he listed a series of “established facts” about the Jews which propagated anti-semitic stereotypes. He claimed that Jews are "selfish and chauvinist, cunning and perfidious", and deemed it legitimate to oppress, exploit, even exterminate, other people. He alleged that Jews plotted in Europe to undermine the power of Roman Catholic Church. Even further, he alleged that Jews introduced freemasonry — the word itself would be a reference to the reconstruction of the Temple of Solomon- and, through it, they manipulated the Bolsheviks and the Young Turks against the Russian empire and Ottoman Caliphate respectively. In addition, Rida stated that Jews created capitalism as a tool to enslave the whole world through their money, which buys them power and influence, because they lack the courage to fight.[18]
On Christianity
Rida was highly sensitive to the openly hostile and Islamophobic attitudes prevalent amongst Orientalists and European Christians of his era. Before promoting the vision of a Caliphate as a means of Islamic revival, Rida was trying to counteract the activities of Christian missionaries for founding a society to for organised Islamic Da'wa outside Ottoman territories. He was also concerned by what he regarded as sympathies of native Arab Christians to colonial powers. When he organised his Caliphate theory, his vision would have recognised both Judaism and Christianity, granting non-Muslims the right to serve in administration and judicial system.(except the Islamic shar'i courts)[19]
In Rida’s view, the only ‘true’ mission of solid faith in Christian history was that of the disciples of Jesus; and any later missionary attempt was false. He constantly stressed that the Islamic Daʿwa had been gaining millions of converts over centuries despite the frail state of Muslims, their lack of knowledge, the fragility of Muslim leaders and the weakness of their civilisation and culture. Riḍā perceived the Christian missions as an integral part of the colonial presence in the Muslim world and was convinced that Europe made use of religion as a political instrument for mobilising European Christians by inflaming their ‘fanatic’ feelings against other nations.[20]
Inspite of this, Rida did promote efforts to reconcile between Muslims and Christians.[21] However, Rida did not hesitate to accuse oriental Christians in general of being tools in the hands of the colonial powers. . . or even of conspiring with them and with the “atheist Westernised” against Islam. In a series of articles published in 1911 and which would be compiled under the title al-Muslimun wa-l-qutb (The Muslims and the Copts), he deplored the Muslims’ naivety and divisions, which were exploited by the colonial powers, and lamented the adoption of nationalistic slogans that, in his view, could only favor the Coptic minority. He mocked the Copts’ claim to be descended from the “heathen, God-hating” Pharaohs and their demand to accede to positions “for which they lack the experience.” Finally, he referred to the 1911 Muslim congress — organised as a response to another in which the Copts had demanded equal rights — as “the event that has gladdened me more since my arrival in Egypt.” Rida also claimed that the Western Civilisation could not be considered "Christian" but merely materialistic, and predicted that its vices would lead to its destruction. The Shaykh was convinced that they also sought to turn Muslims away from their religion, either by perverting their mores, converting them to Christianity, or both.[22]
On Shi'ism
From being a person who was accommodative towards Shiism, Rashid Rida would gradually become a sharp critique of it. In a book originally published in 1929, he states that he was once willing to work with the balanced reformers amongst Shias, but explains that the situation has changed. He also alleged that Shiites "worship the dead" attributing to their intercessionary practices towards awliyaa in their shrines and called upon Shias to condemn these practices. Although he fell short of censuring all Shias, Rida left them few options. Pan-Islamic unity was still conceivable, but it had to be on Salafi terms. In 1927, in the context of heightened communal tensions following the Saudi's heavy-handed efforts on the Shi'i population of the kingdom, al-Manar published a series of seven anti-Shi'i articles written by the Salafi scholar and Rida’s disciple Muhammad Taqi ud din al-Hilali.[23]
Rida depicted the Raafidi creed as the result of a Jewish and Zoroastrian conspiracy aiming at perverting Islam and weakening the Arabs, and went as far as blaming the Shia for the Tatar and Crusader invasions.[24]
Despite all this, Rida was the most important modern Sunni scholar of the Quran in influencing the growth of modern Shiite exegesis. As the founder and editor of the reformist journal Al-Manar, Rida’s prolific Quranic commentary(Tafseer) is widely regarded by both Sunni and Shiite scholars as groundbreaking and a herald of a new era of socio-political exegesis of the Quran. As traditional Shiism came into contact with certain reformist tendencies in the Sunni world, including the salafist call to “return to the Quran", it's orthodox reluctance to engage in Qur'anic exegesis was highly challenged in the modern World. Rida’s commentary and approach were instrumental in inducing a similar tendency within Shiism.[25]
Darwinism
One of his controversial views was his support of Darwin's theory of evolution.[26][non-primary source needed] Abduh had interpreted certain aspects of the story of Adam such as "questions of angels" , "prostration of angels" , "tree", etc in an allegorical manner. Commenting on his teacher's explanation, Rashid Rida said that what was done by al-Ustad (teacher), is no more as al-Ghazali. Rida points out that Abduh did not interpret Adam as a mere myth. Rida, defending Abduh, argues that Darwinism cannot answer whether humans originate from a single lineage or not. Hence, Rida argues that the Islamic belief of Adam being the first man doesn't contradict Darwinism.[27] At the same time, distancing himself from the figurative interpretation of Qur'an favoured by Abduh and Afghani, Rashid Rida ruled that anybody who does not believe in the historical existence of Adam and Abraham cannot be counted as a Muslim, and dismissed the possibility of reason or science contradicting any unequivocal Qur’anic text.[28]
Unorthodox Views
Some unorthodox positions held by Rida included:
- His view that usury (riba) may be permitted in certain cases (i.e. in cases of extreme poverty, wherein it would save their life) [29]
- His idea that building statues is permissible in Islam as long as there is no danger of their being devoted to improper religious uses such as shirk (idolatry)[30]
- His support of Arab revolt against the Ottomans [31]
- His view that "the minute living bodies which today have been made known by the microscope and are called microbes, may possibly be a species of Jinn" [32]
- His insistence that istislah is "a central rather than subsidiary principle for defining the law...[which] makes adaptions more flexible" and assertion that the "no harm no retribution" hadith is superior to all other principles of Shariah[33]
Anti-colonialism
Rida focused on the relative weakness of Muslim societies vis-à-vis Western colonialism, blaming Sufi excesses, the blind imitation of the past (taqlid), the stagnation of the ulama, and the resulting failure to achieve progress in science and technology. He held that these flaws could be alleviated by a return to what he saw as the true principles of Islam albeit interpreted (ijtihad) to suit modern realities.[34] This alone could, he believed, save Muslims from subordination to the colonial powers.[35]
On Freemasonry
Rida had a complex relationship with Freemasonry,[36] He used to question his mentor Muhammad Abduh about his ties to freemasonry. As reported in his book Tatimmat, Rida asked 'Abduh why he and Afghani had become Masons, 'Abduh replied that it was for a "political and social purpose".[37] His attitudes towards Baháʼí Faith were negative. He also considered the Masons to be far worse alleging that their hidden objective is "the destruction of all religions" [38] In his later years, Rida would be a staunch opponent of Freemasonry, declaring it as a Jewish conspiracy to manipulate the world.[39]
Reception
Despite some controversial ideas held by Rida, his works and in particular his magazine al-Manar spread throughout the Muslim world influencing many individuals including the popular Salafi writer Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani.[40] The status of Rida and his work, is a matter of some contention amongst contemporary purist Salafis. Some present day Salafi Purists criticise Rida for straying from Salafi principles. However, other Salafi scholars such as Albani, while critiquing his approach on Hadeeth sciences, praises Rida and his works generally.[41]
Rashid Rida and Revival of Salafi Theology
In 1905, Rashid Rida spoke of the Salafis (al-Salafiyya) as a collective noun in distinction with the Ash'aris in a theological sense. He would also refer to "Wahhabis" as Salafis. And later in the 1920s, Rida and some of his followers would declare themselves Salafis with respect to fiqh, thereby broadening Salafi epithets to the realm of law.[42]
In 1914, Rida went further and explained that mad'hab al-salaf was “nothing other than to act according to the Qur'an and the Sunna without any accretion, in the way that [the salaf] understood [Islam] at its inception.”[43]
In 1912, Salafi scholars Muhibb al Din al Khatib and Abd al Fattah Al Qatlan seized the opportunity to go into business with Rashid Rida. The Salafiyya Bookstore was relocated to join the famous Manar Bookstore (Maktabat al-Manar), of which al-Khatib and Qatlan briefly became co-propreiters.[44]
Like his contemporary Islamic reformers such as Mahmud Shukri Al Alusi, Jamal al Din al Qasimi in Damascus, Rashid Rida considered the Salafi theology to be a pillar of their multifaceted reform program.[45]
Many Islamic reformers argued that Athari theology was more agreeable to reason than the speculative theology of the late Sunni tradition. Rida, for example, confessed that the Hanbalis’ opposition to kalam had puzzled him in his youth. He had assumed that they were a stagnant group of people who adhered to the literal meaning of texts, who did not truly understand them, who were ignorant of the inherent truths of science, and who could not conciliate Islam and modern knowledge. However, he later came to the conclusion that Hanbali theology provided a more solid and reliable basis for faith than Ash'ari beliefs. Reading Hanbali books, he wrote, was like walking on a straight path, whereas reading Ash'ari ones amounted to swimming in a deep sea, where one has to struggle against the waves of philosophical doubts and the currents of theoretical investigation. In his writings, which were widely read among reformers throughout the Muslim world, Rida repeatedly explained that the Salafi creed was easier to understand than speculative theology (and thus provided a stronger bulwark against the threat of atheism), had a greater claim to orthodoxy, and was less divisive and more conducive to progress and happiness in this world.[46]
Although Rida claimed that the pious ancestors forbade Ijtihad and differences of opinion in the foundations of theology (as opposed to in law), he nonetheless tolerated doctrinal diversity. Rida argued that Salafis, Asharis, Maturidis, Mu'tazilis, Ibadis, Shi'is all were Muslims and it was the duty of the reformers to reconcile between them.[47]
Should modern Muslims take the Salaf as models, Rida argued, they would be rational, flexible, strong, and united. The first issues of al-Manar contained short articles devoted to the pious ancestors’ accomplishments, ranging from the successful politics of the rightly guided caliphs to the military exploits of 'Amr ibn al-'As (d. 671), the Muslim commander who led the conquest of Egypt. In that way, Rida followed in the footsteps of al-Afghani and Abduh, who had already invited Muslims to learn about the conduct of the pious ancestors and argued that whoever was familiar with the life of the salaf could not fail to see the virtues of reason and the possibility of adapting to changing conditions. All of these reformers believed that the pious ancestors defined and exemplified the full potential of Islam.[48]
Relations With Abduh and Early Activism
After obtaining his diploma of ulema in 1897, Rasheed Rida decided to join Muhammad Abduh in Cairo. He suggested to ‘Abduh the publication of a periodical fashioned after al-'Urwa al-wuthqà to spread his reformist ideas; a few weeks later, the first issue of al-Manar saw the light. Rida continued editing it — initially weekly, later monthly — until his death in 1935, and became known as sahib al-Manar (al-Manar’s proprietor). He wrote most of its contents, which included pieces on religious and social issues, attacks on the traditional ulema and the westernized elite, analyses of the international situation, etc. ‘Abduh’s commentary of the Qur’an, which Rida continued after his death, became a regular feature from the sixth volume (1903–4), and was later published separately as Tafsir al-Manar. In the same year the section Fatawà al-Manar (al-Manar’s legal opinions, or fatwàs) appeared, in which readers could ask the Shaykh for advice on religious matters — and, conceivably, he could pose as one of them to raise certain issues. British historian, Albert Hourani stated "there is a sense in which, from the time of its foundation, the Manar was his life."[18]
After the death of Abduh, Rida went to great lengths to claim his mantle. His biography of ‘Abduh contains several instances in which the Imam seems to designate Rida as his successor. And he did not hesitate to invoke his mentor’s authority when he needed to prop his arguments, even when it seems rather unlikely that ‘Abduh would have shared his views. After the Imam’s death, his former pupils had divided into two opposing camps. On one side was the al-Manar Party — or the Reform Party (Hizb al-islam), as Rida called it — which insisted on the relevance of Islam for the organization of society and the state. On the other side were the secular-minded politicians and intellectuals like Said Zaghlul, the liberal leader of Egyptian independence, or ‘Ali ‘Abd al-Raziq, an Azhari graduate who in his Islam wa-usul al-hukm argued that Islam was a spiritual religion without political content. Rida’s fierce campaign against Abd al-Raziq was instrumental in bringing him to trial for his “attack” on Islam and his subsequent “defrocking.”[18]
Abduh was imbued with a liberal spirit. Symptomatic of his tolerance of non-Sunni Muslims is his interpretation of a hadith in which Muhammad prophesized that, after his death, the Muslim community would be divided into seventy-three sects of which only one would be saved. Abduh argued that no Muslim could be sure of belonging to the saved sect and that, in any case, it is quite possible that all surviving sects belong to that group. In contrast, Rida was much less tolerant of the other. In one of his few direct criticisms of ‘Abduh, Rida rejected the Imam’s reading of the hadith alluded to above, stating unequivocally that the “saved sect” was Ahlul Sunna wal Jama'ah (I.e Sunni Islam).[49]
The early writings of Rashid Rida were very much influenced by al-Afghani and ‘Abduh, and he considered the ulema the biggest obstacle to the reform of Islam and, by extension, of the Muslim world. However, the advancement of Western secularism would later on make Rida turn his attention to the “threat” posed by the westernized modernizers, and his attacks against them were increasingly fierce, including accusations of atheism, immorality, even treason. Simultaneously, a kind of literalist approach would dominate Rida's thought, and he would progressively distance himself from the figurative interpretation of the Qur’an favored by al-Afghani and ‘Abduh. Unsurprisingly, Rida would express his admiration of Ibn Hazm, a leading classical scholar of Zaahiri(literalist) school, whom he quoted with increasing frequency.[50]
Although ‘Abduh tried to convince him to stay out of politics, Rashid Rida believed that the problems beleaguering Muslims required political as well as religious reform. At first, the Shaykh was a supporter of the Ottoman Empire as a bastion of Muslim strength and, recovering an old idea of al-'Urwa al-wuthqà, proposed the creation of an Islamic Society (al-jam'iyya al-islamiyya) under the leadership of the caliph, with headquarters in Mecca and offices all over the Muslim world. Its members — Sunni, Shi‘a and Ibadi ulema — would produce a common doctrine and draft a modern code of law based on the shari‘ah. After Sultan ‘Abd al-Hamid rebuked the introduction of any measure of consultative government, he would briefly back — the revolution of the Young Turks and, during the Great War, the Hashemite-led Arab revolt. But after the war, the Islamic World suffered two traumatic events: western occupation of Arab lands and partitioning them as per Sykes-Pycot, which was widely regarded as a betrayal of the promises the Allies made during the World War; and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the rise to power of Kemal Atatürk who implemented forced secularization of Turkish society and abolished the caliphate in 1924. Atatürk’s actions were a shock to traditionalist Muslims for whom the caliphate represented the symbol of Islamic unity and the last line of defense against the west’s political and cultural onslaught. Rida now became an ardent defender of the caliphate as the ideal form of government for Muslims, and wrote a series of articles in volumes XXIII and XXIV of al-Manar(1922–3) that would be collected under the title “The Caliphate or the Supreme Imamate”.[51]
It was during this period that Rashid Rida would join the ranks of Ibn Saud's boosters in the Arab World. This shift in stance was fuelled by his resentment and disenchantment by the betrayal of Sharif Hussein and the scheming of Western colonial powers in the post-war era. Rida saw in Ibn Saud a strong Muslim ruler who had the vision and resolve to prevent British imperial designs in the Arab World. [52]
Rida's active promotion of the Najdi cause was in stark contrast with ‘Abduh’s denunciation of the movement. Abduh had opposed it not only because it weakened the Ottoman Empire to the benefit of the colonial powers, but also because he disliked its literalism and coarseness.[53]
Abduh, in his conversations with Rida alleged about the Najdi movement:
"The Wahhábis undertook reform, and their sect would be good were it not for their extremism and excess. What need is there for their call that the tomb of the Prophet be destroyed? Or their assertion that all other Muslims are infidels? Or that they must be extirpated?"
Abduh, had criticized the Wahhabis and their religious ethos for running counter to the intellectual and social objectives of Islamic modernism. Although the Wahhabis originally declared their intention to wipe off the dust of taqleed, 'Abduh argued that they ended up being more narrow-minded and disgruntled than the blind imitators. According to him, they were no friends of science and civilization. Rida on the other hand, was a staunch defender of Wahhabis and attempted their rehabilitation in the wider Islamic World. And unlike Abduh, Rida identified as a Salafi in creed and relied heavily on transmitted reports(naql). But as a balanced reformer, Rida still upheld notions of rationality and progress.[56]
Rida had as much trouble portraying his late mentor as a champion of Salafi theology. In 1928, Rida declared that Abduh was Salafi in creed despite the fact that he interpreted some divine attributes like an Ashari—a statement that only reinforced the impression that Abduh was something of an Islamic freethinker rather than an exponent of madhhab al-salaf.The comments Rida wrote in his re-editions of Abduh’s famous theological treatise, Risalat al-tawheed, reveal a similar discomfort. Disturbed by a passage in which Abduh praised Abu al-Hasan al-Ashari (d. 936) for striking a balance between the position of the salaf and that of the khalaf, Rida added a footnote to remind readers that al-Ashari recanted his own views and fully embraced Hanbali theology at the end of his life. Rida also noted the historical significance of Ibn Taymiyya and his role in proving the superiority of madhhab al-salaf over kalam, an essential element of Salafi theology that Abduh had failed to mention. No doubt Abduh’s Salafi associates and admirers considered him to be a great reformer, but they had obvious reservations about his theological views. Claiming him as one of their own was always an uphill battle.[56]
Although Abduh did not claim the "Salafi" label for himself, Abduh understood the technical meaning of that term. In 1902, three years before his death, he made a rare mention of the Salafis (al-salafiyyun) in the pages of al-Manar. He neither included himself amongst them nor suggested that the Salafis were proponents of his brand of Islamic reform. Rather, he presented them as Sunni Muslims who differed from Asharis with respect to theology. Abduh deemed it useful to specified in parentheses that Salafis were “people who adhere to the creed of the forefathers" [al-akhidin bi-aqidat al-salaf].[57]
Jamal ud Din al Qasimi, a Salafi scholar and associate of Rida, claimed that Abduh abided by the creed of the Salaf. In an effort to buttress this rather ambivalent claim, al-Qasimi recounted a private conversation he had with Abduh in Cairo in 1903. One evening, when he suggested that the way of the pious ancestors was the most correct theological approach, al-Qasimi affirmed that he saw 'Abduh assenting in silence. But an alleged nod of approval is not exactly a powerful piece of evidence.[58]
Unlike al-Afghani and 'Abduh, Rida referred to himself as "Salafi" in both creed as well as law.[59]
Patronage of Ibn Saud and Later Activism
A few years before Abduh's death, the term “Salafiyya” discretely found its way into Rashid Rida’s seminal journal al-Manar (The Lighthouse). At first, Rida understood the word in a narrow theological sense and used it as an adjective that characterized the unique creed of the pious ancestors (ʿaqīda wāḥida salafiyya), which he openly equated with Hanbali theology. In a 1913 article, he declared that Najd, the heart of today’s Saudi Arabia, was the region in which Salafi theology was the most widespread. However, he noted that the Wahhabis were overcome with harshness (jafāʾ) and exaggeration (ghuluw) and were not “moderate” like the other Salafis in Iraq, the Hijaz, Greater Syria, and Egypt.This distinction was significant. In Rida’s mind, moderation (iʿtidāl) was a defining characteristic of his school of thought.[60]
With the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the failure of Faysal’s Arab Kingdom in 1920, the loss of Iraq and Greater Syria to the Mandatory Powers, the triumph of secular Kemalism in Turkey, and the abolition of the caliphate in 1924, the well-being of the umma appeared seriously threatened and there was a sense of urgency amongst the Islamic reformers. Rida’s initial response was not to favour one group or doctrine in particular, for he believed that factionalism and sectarianism could only weaken the already fragile Islamic community. He regularly called for Islamic unity through the pages of Al-Manar against the European threat. Rida was worried that internal feuds might provide European powers with a pretext for intervention. He urged both Sharif Hussein in Hejaz and Abd al Aziz al Saud, Arabian rivals, not to fight each other. Although he greatly admired Abd al-Aziz al Saud and his religiosity, he did not want anyone’s political ambitions to interfere with the good of the umma.[61]
However as Sharif Husayn's dynastic scheming with the British became apparent by the 1920s, Rida would no longer remain neutral. When he rejected Rida’s proposals for alliance of Muslim rulers of Arabian Peninsula, enmity grew between them. Soon, Rida would condemn Sharif Husayn as an opportunistic sellout who sided with non-Muslim colonial powers for personal power. Sharif Husayn’s self-proclamation as caliph two days after Atatürk abolished the institution in March 1924, eventually led Rida to lend full support for Ibn Saud. The question of the caliphate had been central to Rida’s reformist agenda and hopes for the rejuvenation of the Islamic community. He envisioned a modern-day caliph, freely chosen by the ulama through a process of deliberation, whose ideal character, complete devotion, and extensive knowledge of both profane and religious sciences would make him an exemplar of balanced reform and lead all Muslims on the path to progress and unity. Nothing could contradict these noble objectives more than Sharif Husayn’s arbitrary appropriation of the title of caliph. Beyond his betrayal of Arab solidarity and independence, the sharif had now desecrated Islam and had disrespected the umma and endangered its future. For Rida, this was intolerable.[62][63]
As Ibn Saud began launching attacks in Hejaz in 1924, Rida would wholeheartedly back him. As Rida saw it, the sultan of Najd was offering all Muslims a much-needed service. Ibn Saud came to represent everything Rida expected from a Muslim ruler. His commanding leadership and staunch commitment to Islam were exactly what the post-Ottoman Muslim world needed: “England feels that one of the greatest dangers to her policy in Arab or Islamic countries is the existence among the Muslims of a strong emir, especially if he believes in his religion, adheres to it, and is backed by a people of true faith, like Ibn Saud and his people.” In sum, the nascent Saudi state was Rida’s best hope for the reemergence of Muslim greatness and political power in a colonial order which could lead Islamic Renaissance and exemplify balanced reform. Within a few years, the sultan of Najd conquered and became king of the Hijaz and had united the rest of northern Arabia.[64]
Rida welcomed the Saudi conquest of Mecca, presenting it as “a new, longed-for period for Islam, an auspicious opportunity to renew its guidance and recover its glory,” and he pressed Muslims to support the Wahhabis against the three “dangers” that “destroy Islamic unity from the inside and may be backed by foreign ploys”: the “Shi‘a fanatics”; the “ignorant grave-worshippers” (i.e., Sufi extremists) and the “Westernised preachers of atheism".[65]
By the time the new ruler of Hijaz convened a Muslim congress in Mecca in the summer of 1926, Rida was receiving funds from him. The congress represented Ibn Saud’s bid to join the Muslim mainstream and to erase the reputation of extreme sectarianism associated with the Ikhwan. But the question of Wahhabi intolerance emerged as a problem when an Egyptian delegate reported harassment for uttering a phrase abhorrent to the mission’s ulama. Rashid Rida’s treatise, The Wahhabis and Hijaz, set forth the case for the Saudi-Wahhabi side in the battle for Hijaz. Rida wrote that if the Wahhabi incursion into Hijaz had taken place in the Ottoman era, the Islamic world would have been furious. Newspapers across the breadth of the Muslim world would have condemned the Wahhabis as infidels and financial contributions to fight them would have been gathered. After all, Muslims across the world had held a favourable view of the Ottomans and a dim view of the Wahhabis. But things were different now. The Wahhabis were known for pious adherence to religion and hostility to foreign influence. Their adversary Sharif Husayn was notorious for plotting with Islam’s enemies for the sake of his ambition to gain the caliphate. Defending Najdi Da'wa, Rida cited Tarikh Najd , a treatise composed by Ibn Abd al Wahhab’s son Abd Allah.[66]
Rida’s treatise expresses deep anger toward Sharif Husayn and his family for selling the Arabs to western powers for the sake of dynastic ambition. Resentment toward Great Britain for betraying its World War I promises to the Arabs is also evident in the book. In fact, Rida discerned British manipulation as the cause of London’s interwar dominance in the region. The purpose of Britain’s intervention was to undermine Islam. The last thing London wanted, he asserted, was to see a faithful Muslim ruler, like Ibn Saud, who was not for sale, unlike the traitorous Husayn and his sons. A strong Muslim leader would prevent the realization of Britain’s goal of erasing Islam from the earth, first as a religion of power and then as a religion of doctrine and belief. The notion that ambitious western powers worked hand in hand with duplicitous Arab rulers to advance western interests and to crush Islam would become a pillar of Muslim revivalist and Arab nationalist discourses. Both searched for traitors to the community of believers and the nation, respectively, and they turned from one would-be hero to another to rescue the believers and the nation from betrayal.[67]
In 1927, to throw his detractors off balance, Rida wrote that the "Wahhabis" had become a large group in Egypt, with adherents among the religious scholars of al-Azhar and other religious institutions, thanks to the guidance of al-Manar. Claiming that his journal promoted a Wahhabi approach to Islam was a bold and ironic way of siding with the Najdis while making the point that they did not deserve to be stigmatized. Rida had already started to adopt some of the Wahhabis' more uncompromising attitudes to religious reform.[68]
However, the fact that Rida strove to defend the Wahhabis so energetically does not mean he always admired them. He often acknowledged the adverse effects of Najdi zeal and acknowledged the existence of fierce exaggerators(ghulat) amongst the Najdis. However, strove to downplay their importance by stressing that King Abd al-Aziz was a reasonable man. For Rida, it was better either to judge the Najdis on the basis of their pragmatic and moderate political leader or to accept the fact that some fanaticism was better for the umma than the erosion of Islamic identity.[69]
As an exponent of Salafi theology, Rida nonetheless argued that allegorical interpretations of the scriptures (ta'wil) were sometimes appropriate because without them many Muslims would have abandoned their religion. To survive in the modern era, the message of Islam needed to be articulated in a way that was consistent with scientific discourses. In a letter to Abdul Rahman al Sa'adi, the teacher of the famous Salafi scholar Ibn Uthaymeen, Rida acknowledged that his own exegesis included elements of ta'wil, but he claimed that it was in the best interest of modern Muslims. Rida was obviously concerned that some Najdi scholars might not grasp the social and political significance of his reformist eϸorts. However, he appears to have hoped that his contact with King Abd al-'Aziz would allow him to inflence the Wahhabis and help them overcome their self-defeating rigidity. At the end of his letter, Rida mentioned that he took it upon himself to write to the king about the necessity of balanced reform and that he intended to mail him ten copies of Tafsir al-Manar so that Najdi scholars could learn from it.[70]
When rumours of Ibn Bulayhid, a Najdi scholar who believed in flat earth were spreading, Rida sought to control damaging rumors through al-Manar. In an article about education and the dangers of stagnation, Rida criticized flat-earthers and enemies of science. However, he insisted that the scholars of Najd could not be counted among these ignoramuses and that rumors to the contrary verged on absurdity:
"It has come to my ears that one of the most revered and well-read ulama of Najd advocated anathema [takfir] against anyone who professes that the earth is round. This has startled me because Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the imam of the Najdi revival, as well as other scholars [of this movement], have stipulated that they do not accuse anyone of being an infidel except for a breach of consensus about definite religious questions. But this is not a religious question, and there is no [religious] consensus about it. [This has also startled me] because the greatest Hanbali Imams from whose books the shaykh [Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab] and his successors derived [their] Najdi religious renewal are Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim. The latter has mentioned, in some of his books, that the earth is round. So, if the rumor about this [Najdi] scholar were true, would he charge [Ibn Qayyim] with unbelief?"
Rida did not say outright that the rumor was false, but he was being disingenuous. Whether or not the unnamed scholar from Najd was Ibn Bulayhid, Rida knew that prominent Najdi scholars did sometimes oppose scientific knowledge. Rida and his disciples had to campaign on two fronts. It was one thing to pretend that the Wahhabis were ideal Muslims—but quite another to make this rhetoric a reality.[71]
Despite the mixed results of the rehabilitation campaign and the difficulties that some of his disciples encountered, Rida remained devoted to King 'Abd al-Aziz until the very end. For all his occasional faults, the Saudi ruler was, in the eyes of Rida, the best available Muslim statesman, and his kingdom offered the best prospect of becoming the political arm of the balanced reform movement. Rida knew firsthand the diϲculty of putting reformist ideas into practice: it required money as well as political support.[72]
Death
Rida died on his way back to Cairo from Suez, where he had gone to see off his patron, King of Saudi Arabia Abdulaziz Ibn Saud.[73]
The Sheikh of Al Azhar, Mustafa al Maraghi, remarked that Rida had three main opponents: secularist Muslims, non-Muslims, and traditional Muslims.[74]
Habib Jamati said in his eulogy:
I have the honor to raise my voice at this notable Islamic gathering, at the same time that Arab Easter bells ring, mingling with the voices of the faithful, calling for brotherhood, solidarity, cooperation for the Arab nation, for the sake of the slaughtered homelands!” While Egyptians may have regarded Rida as a great Islamic leader, he had also befriended Christians, and struggled alongside them for their common nation.
He returned to Syria right after the Great War, and given his lofty status in the hearts of people, the Syrians elected him president for their national congress, which convened in Damascus in 1919 and decided to declare the independence of Syria as an Arab country. ... Al-Sayyid Muhammad Rashid Rida’s views, advice, and guidance deserve a great credit for the success of that blessed movement. But fate turned against Syria’s struggle for revival.[75]
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The corruption and tyranny of Muslim rulers (caliphs, sultans, etc.) throughout history was a central theme in Rida's criticisms. Rida, however, celebrated the rule of Muhammad and the Rightly Guided Caliphs, and leveled his attacks at subsequent rulers who could not maintain Muhammad's example. He also criticized the clergy (ulama) for compromising their integrity - and the integrity of the Islamic law (sharia) they were meant to uphold - by associating with worldly corrupt powers.[76]
Rida's ideas were foundational to the development of the modern "Islamic state". He "was an important link between classical theories of the caliphate, such as al-Mawardi's, and 20th-century notions of the Islamic state".[77]
Rida promoted a restoration or rejuvenation of the Caliphate for Islamic unity, through 'shura'".[34] In theology, his reformist ideas, like those of Abduh, were "based on the argument that:
shari'a consists of `ibadat (worship) and mu'amalat (social relations). Human reason has little scope in the former and Muslims should adhere to the dictates of the Qur'an and hadith. The laws governing mu'amalat should conform to Islamic ethics but on specific points may be continually reassessed according to changing conditions of different generations and societies.[14]
Although he did not call for the revolutionary establishment of an Islamic state, rather advocating only gradual reform of the existing Ottoman government, Rida preceded Abul Ala Maududi, Sayyid Qutb, and later Islamists in declaring adherence to Sharia law as essential for Islam and Muslims, saying
Koran 5:44 applies to '...whomsoever thinks it distasteful to rule in accordance with the just rules which God sent down, and does not rule by them because he has different views, or because he has worldly interests. According to these verses, they are unbelievers; because true faith requires obedience. Obedience requires deeds, and is not consistent with omission'[78]
During the winter of 1922-23, just after Turkey had abolished the sultanate, Rida wrote his well-known treatise, al-Khilafa aw al-Imama al-Uzma (The Caliphate or the Grand Imamate). In it's first part, Rida quoted Al-Mawardi and other classical jurists, elaborating on the necessity of the Caliphate. In accordance with the classical theory, Rida repeated the same general requirements that a caliph must be installed in office. He emphasized, however, that the caliph should be a mujtahid and a Qurayshite. Rida also points out that the Prophet had specified Hejaz and Arabian Peninsula as the territory where no other religion is allowed except Islam.( although there's an alternative interpretation which stipulates this condition to Hejaz alone) Rida blamed Mu'awiya, the first Umayyad caliph, for transforming the caliphate into Monarchy through two innovations: first, supplanting the method of selecting a caliph by shura with a method based on hereditary kingship; and second, for introducing asabiyya of Umayyads.[79]
In the “true caliphate,” as Rida saw it, the caliph is chosen by the leaders and representatives of the community, ahl al-hall wa-l-'aqd (“those who tie and untie”), among the candidates that fulfil the conditions stipulated by the classical ulema: they must be male, free, courageous, sensible, mujtahid (capable of ijtihad ), qurayshi (a member of the Prophet’s tribe), etc. But ultimately; the caliph is merely a primus inter pares who must seek the advice of the representatives of the community and respect their ijma.[80]
Rida differentiated between three types of caliphate. First, there was the ideal caliphate, which existed under the Rashidun and the pious Umayyad Caliph Umar Ibn Abd al-Aziz, "the fifth of the Rashiduin." The caliph had in this case all the shar'i requirements. The second type of caliphate was "the caliphate or imamate of necessity." This type would be allowed when the ahl al-hall wa'l 'aqd decided to install a caliph who had most but not all the legal requirements. To this type of caliphate belonged some of the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs who lacked 'ilm (knowledge), imperative in exercising ijtihad. The third type of caliphate was the caliphate of tyranny or conquest (al-taghallub bi'l quwwa), which was contracted by force without the ahl al-hall wa'l 'aqd. For Rida, it denoted that worldly leadership had become wholly dependent on shawka, or force. To this last type belonged the Ottoman caliphate, according to Rida at this point. Although he said that such a caliphate should be obeyed because "necessity makes lawful what is otherwise forbidden,"' Rida also mentioned that it should be overthrown whenever it became possible to do so.[81]
The second part of Rida's treatise outlined his vision of a renewed viable caliphate and the steps necessary to make it successful. In this section, Rida addressed all three semi-religious and semi-secular themes which the salafiyya had emphasized: the desirability of civil government and consultaltive and democratic rule, the need for an Arab spiritual caliphate, and the preservation of a Muslim temporal power.The theme of civil government and consultative and democratic rule was evident in the way Rida identified the ahl al-hall wa'l-'aqd, who would apply the principle of consultation (shura) to choose the caliph and lead the umma. For him this group were the leaders of the umma in both religious and secular affairs. Rida said that the ahl al-hall wa'l 'aqd in modern times should include not only ulama' and jurists but, in order to represent all sectors of modern Islamic society, also prominent merchants and agriculturalists, managers of companies and public works, leaders of political parties, distinguished writers, physicians, and lawyers.They were to be elected by the people along democratic lines and their decisions would represent the ijma (consensus) of the umma.[82]
According to Rida, the umma should be the source of all legislation except in those cases when direct guidance would be available as an explicit text (nass) in the Qur'an or in the authentic sunna. But Rida was careful to say that "nass is very limited."' Thus he granted the ahl al-hall wa'l 'aqd broad powers to exercise their legislative authority as a "sort of parliamentary body."' But he maintained that sovereignty should be exercised within the confines of the shar'ia, not outside it. In Rida's proposal the caliph's powers were carefully circumscribed.
"He is limited by the prescriptions of the Qur'an and the sunna, by the general example of the Rashidun caliphs, and by consultation."
Rida's spiritual caliphate was to adhere to the general social and legal program of the salafiyya. More precisely, it would envision that the "renaissance of Muslims is dependent on ijtihad."' Rida believed this "renaissance" should neither be led by the hizb al-mutafarnijin ("the Europeanized party"), which believed that religion was incompatible with modern civilization, nor by hizb hashawiyyat al-fuqaha' al-jdmidin (the party of the "reactionary jurists"), who refused to employ ijtihad in all aspects of mu'amalat (daily transactions). Instead he called for leadership by hizb al-islah al-islami al-mu'tadil (a "moderate party of Islamic reform") which would "combine the necessary understanding of the essence of the shar'ia and the essence of the European civilization." [84]
Rida contended that the caliphate was superior to Western parliamentary democracy, arguing that ahl al-hall wa-l-'aqd are like members of parliament but “wiser and more virtuous,” and that, whatever levels of justice western legislators have arrived at, the shari‘ah had set first, and better. Regarding the possibility of restoring the caliphate, he admitted that conditions were not favorable but insisted that if it were established in a small territory, all Muslims would rally around it. In the meantime, the Reform Party(i.e the Salafiyya reform movement) should educate public opinion and prepare to assume their responsibilities as ahl al-hall wa-l-'aqd':
"Those who aspire to political leadership and the status of ‘tying and untying’ in the Islamic countries outside the Arabian Peninsula form three groups: The imitators of the different books of jurisprudence [i.e., the legal schools]; the imitators of the European laws and systems; and the Reform Party, which combines an independent understanding of religious jurisprudence and Islamic rulings and the essence of European civilization. That Party is the [only] one able to eradicate the problems of the Muslim community and to do what needs to be done in order to revive the imamate — if only it became strong and obtained money and men. And, through its position in the middle, it can attract to it those from the two extremes wishing to renovate the community."
See also
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